The 50th Law (with 50 Cent)

Interpretation: From the beginning of his political career, Johnson
had a single ambition—to one day become president of the United

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States. To get there he needed a relatively swift rise to prominence. The
younger he reached leadership positions, the more time he would have
to spread his name and gain leverage within the Democratic Party.
Elected to the House of Representatives at the age of twenty-eight, he
seemed on track to get what he wanted, but in the House his career got
bogged down. The place was so big and complex, and he was not good
at dealing with large groups. He was not an exciting public speaker. He
was much more charming in one-on-one situations. He became
frustrated and restless. Finally reaching the Senate at the age of forty,
he brought with him his impatience, as evidenced by his meeting with
Connally. But shortly before his inauguration, he toured the floor of
the Senate and had an epiphany: the place was much smaller; it was
more like a cozy club for gentlemen. Here he could work one on one
and slowly gain power by accumulating influence.
To accomplish this, however, he had to transform himself. He was
naturally aggressive; he would have to rein this in, slow down, and step
back. He would have to stop talking so much and getting into heated
arguments. Let other people do the talking; let them feel like the star of
the show. Stop thinking of himself; instead, focus completely on his
fellow senators as they talked and talked. Assume the inoffensive front
of the junior senator learning the ropes, the serious and somewhat dull
student of procedure and legislation. Behind this front he could
observe people without seeming ambitious or aggressive. In this way
he could slowly gain knowledge of the inner workings of the Senate—
vote counting, how bills were actually passed—and insights into the
various senators, their deepest insecurities and weaknesses. At some
point, his deep understanding of the institution would translate into a
commodity he could exchange for influence and favors.
After several months of this campaign, he was able to alter the
reputation he had had in the House. He no longer seemed a threat, and
with the senators’ defenses down, Johnson could escalate his
campaign.
He turned his attention to winning over key allies. As he had always
believed, having one key ally at or near the top of the hierarchy could
move mountains. Early on he spotted Senator Russell as the perfect
target—lonely, a believer in a cause without any real disciples, and very
powerful. Johnson genuinely liked Russell, and he was always in
search of father figures, but his attention and approach were highly
strategic. He made sure he got appointed to the Armed Services

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Committee, where he would have the most access to Russell. Their
constant encounters in the hallway or the cloakroom were rarely
accidental. Without making it obvious, he slowly increased the hours
they spent together. Johnson had never liked baseball and could care
less about the Civil War, but he quickly learned to cultivate an interest
in both. He mirrored back to Russell his own conservative values and
work ethic and made the lonely senator feel like he had not only a
friend but a worshipping son and disciple.
Johnson was careful to never ask for favors. Instead he quietly did
favors himself for Russell, helping him to modernize his staff. When
Johnson finally wanted something, such as the chairmanship of the
subcommittee, he would insinuate his desire rather than directly
express it. Russell would come to see him as an extension of his own
political ambitions, and at that point he would do almost anything for
his acolyte.
Within a few years, word got around that Johnson was a masterful
vote counter and had inside knowledge on various senators, the kind of
information that could be extremely useful when trying to get a bill
passed. Now senators would come to him for this information, and he
would share it with the understanding that at some point he would
expect favors in return. Slowly his influence was spreading, but he
realized that his desire to have the dominant position within his party
and the Senate had one major obstacle—the northern liberals.
Once again, Johnson chose the perfect target—Senator Humphrey.
He read him as a man who was lonely, in need of validation, but who
was also tremendously ambitious. The way to Humphrey’s heart was
threefold: make him feel liked, confirm his belief that he was
presidential material, and give him the practical tools to realize his
ambitions. As he had done with Russell, Johnson gave Humphrey the
impression that he was secretly on his side, mirroring Humphrey’s
deepest values by sharing his adoration of FDR. After several months
of this campaign, Humphrey would do almost anything for Johnson.
Now with a bridgehead established to the northern liberals, Johnson
had expanded his influence to all corners of the Senate.
By the time the leadership position opened up, Johnson had
established tremendous credibility as someone who returned favors,
who could get things done, and who had very powerful allies. His
desire to get control over committee assignments represented a radical

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change in the system, but he carefully couched it as a way to enhance
the Democratic Party and help individual senators in their various
battles with Republicans. It was in their interest to hand over power to
Lyndon Johnson. Step by step he had acquired such influence without
ever appearing aggressive or even threatening. By the time those in the