Al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s Philosophical
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tion of al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s al-Wası¯t. . 105. On the events of 548/1153 and Muh.ammad ibn Yah.ya¯’s death, see Bulliet, Pa- tricians , 76–79, 255; and Ibn al-Athı¯r, al-Ka¯mil , 11:116–21. On Muh.ammad ibn Yah.ya¯, see al-Sam ¶a¯nı¯, al-Tah.bı¯r f ı¯ l-mu ¶jam al-kabı¯r , 2:252–53; Ibn Khallika¯n, Wafaya¯t al-a ¶ya¯n , 4:223–24; al-Dhahabı¯, Siyar a ¶la¯m al-nubala¯ 7 , 20:312–15; idem, Ta 7rı¯kh al-Isla¯
AH (vol. 37) 337–39; al-S.afadı¯, al-Wa¯f ı¯ bi-l-wafaya¯t , 5:197; al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:25–27; and Halm, Ausbreitung , 59. 106. Abu¯ Bakr al-Qa¯sim ibn ¶Abdalla¯h ibn ¶Umar al-S.affa¯r al-Rı¯khı¯; see Bulliet, Patricians , 165, 186, 190; Halm, Ausbreitung , 60; al-Dhahabı¯, Siyar a ¶la¯m al- nubala¯ 7 , 22:109–10; idem, Ta 7 rı¯kh al-Isla¯m , vol. 611–20 AH (vol. 44), 416–17; and al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 8:353. On the sacking of Nishapur and the slaughtering of its inhabitants, see Juvaynı¯, Ta 7
move of Sha¯fi ¶ism’s center from Iraq and Khorasan to Syria, see Sublet, “Un itinéraire du fi qh ša¯fi ¶ite.” 107. The same who taught Abu ¯ Bakr ibn al- ¶Arabı¯; cf. n. 34. On the teachers at the Niz.a¯miyya in Baghdad during this time, see Kasa¯ 7ı¯, Mada¯ris-i Niz.a¯miyyah , 141ff.
not e s to page s 7 5 – 7 7 3 1 1 108. Al-Muba¯rak ibn ¶Abd al-Jabba¯r al-S.ayrafı¯ was a teacher of h.adı¯th and was also known as Ibn al-H . ama¯mı¯ and Ibn al-T.uyu ¯rı¯; see al-Sam ¶a¯nı¯, al-Ansa¯b, 4:233; idem, al- Tah.bı¯r f ı¯ l-mu ¶jam al-kabı¯r , 1:570, 2:146; and Ibn al-Jawzı¯, al-Muntaz.am , 9:154. 109. Griffel, “Ibn Tu ¯mart’s Rational Proof for God’s Existence,” 753–56. 110. On al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s qualifi ed endorsement of al-amr bi-l-ma ¶ru¯f wa-l-nahy ¶an al- munkar , see Cook, Commanding Right and Forbidding Wrong , 427–68. 111. A Spanish scholar also translated into Latin the three theological texts by Ibn Tu¯mart discussed below; see Griffel, “Ibn Tu¯mart’s Rational Proof for God’s Exist- ence,” 771. 112. Sifr f ı¯hi jamı¯ ¶ ta ¶a¯liq al-Ima¯m al-ma ¶s.u¯m al-Mahdı¯ al-ma ¶lu¯m (. . .) mimma
Proof for God’s Existence,” 765–67. Here, we refer to the most reliable edition by ¶Amma¯r T.a¯libı¯, published under the title of the fi rst text in this collection, A ¶azz ma¯ yut.lab . 113. On the traditional kala¯m proof for God’s existence, see Davidson, Proofs for Eternity , 117–53; and Craig, The Kala¯m Cosmological Argument , 3–60 (slightly extended in idem, The Cosmological Argument , 48–126). 114. Al-Juwaynı¯, al- ¶Aqı¯da al-Niz.a¯miyya , 8–11. 115. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-Iqtis.a¯d , 24–35; for a sketch of this argument, see Marmura, “Ghazali’s al-Iqtisad fi al-I ’ tiqad ,” 4–8; and Davidson, Proofs for Eternity , 141–46. It is more fully discussed in Craig, Kala¯m Cosmological Argument , 44–49; repeated in idem, The Cosmological Argument , 99–104. 116. min bida¯yati l- ¶aqli anna (. . .) ; al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Ih.ya¯ 7 , 1:144.12–13 / 183.5–6; Tibawi, “Al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s Sojourn,” 80.26–28, 98.
117. Ibn Tu ¯mart, Sifr f ı¯hi jamı¯ ¶ ta ¶a¯liq al-Ima¯m , 214.7–13. 118. See above p. 30. 119. On al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s proofs from design, see Davdison, Proofs for Eternity , 226–27, 234, and below, pp. 221, 226. 120. Ibn Tu¯mart, Sifr f ı¯hi jamı¯ ¶ ta ¶a¯liq al-Ima¯m , 219.13–14. 121. See below, pp. ##. 122. Here I wish to correct the judgment I expressed in my article “Ibn Tu ¯mart’s
Rational Proof for God’s Existence,” 777–79. 123. Ibn Tu ¯mart, Sifr f ı¯hi jamı¯ ¶ ta ¶a¯liq al-Ima¯m , 214.5. 124. See pp. 220–21. 125. Garden, Al-Ghaza¯lı
idem, “Ibn Tu ¯mart’s Rational Proof for God’s Existence,” 754. 126. Ibn T.umlu¯s, Madkhal li-sina¯ ¶at al-mantiq , 12. Cf. Griffel, Apostasie und Toler- anz , 382–87, 416; idem, “Ibn Tu¯mart’s Rational Proof for God’s Existence,” 764–65. 127. Griffel, Apostasie und Toleranz , 401–62; idem, “The Relationship Between Averroes and al-Ghaza¯lı¯ as It Presents Itself in Averroes’ Early Writings.” 128. See Opwis, “Islamic Law and Legal Change: The Concept of Mas.lah.a in Clas- sical and Contemporary Islamic Legal Theory.” 129. Griffel, Apostasie und Toleranz , 354–57; El-Rouayheb, “Was There a Revival of Logical Studies?” 3. 130. El-Rouayheb, “Was There a Revival of Logical Studies?” 4–14; and idem, “Sunni Muslim Scholars on the Status of Logic,” 215–16, 226–28. 131. That is at the beginning of the twelfth/eighteenth century; al-Zabı¯dı¯, Ith.a¯f al- sa¯da¯ , 1:179–80. See El-Rouayheb, “Was There a Revival of Logical Studies?” 5. 3 1 2
not e s to page s 7 7 – 8 1 132. Al-Bayhaqı¯, Tatimmat S.iwa¯n al-h.ikma , 109. On the life and works of ¶Ayn al- Qud.a¯t, see his entry in EIran , 3:140–43, by Gerhard Böwering. Al-Bayhaqı¯ says ¶Ayn al-Qud.a¯t was a student of ¶Umar al-Khayya¯m. Both were thoroughly infl uenced by Ibn Sı¯na¯’s ontology. See ¶Umar al-Khayya¯m’s philosophical epistles in al-Khayya¯m, Da¯nishna¯mah-yi Khayya¯mı¯ , 324–422; and in the collection of philosophical texts, Ja¯mi ¶
The Politics of Knowledge , 181), rejects this connection, sees in ¶Ayn al-Qud.a¯t only a Sufi and is largely unaware of the philosophical character of much of his writings. It is quite possible that ¶Ayn al-Qud.a¯t associated himself with ¶Umar al-Khayya¯m in a similar way to how he associated himself with al-Ghaza¯lı¯. 133. ¶Ayn al-Qud.a¯t, Tamhı¯da¯t , 280–81; Safi , The Politics of Knowledge , 172. 134. ¶Ayn al-Qud.a¯t, Na¯mah-ha¯ , 2:124, 458; Safi , The Politics of Knowledge , 173. See above n. 82. 135. sha¯gird-i kutub-i u¯ bu¯deh-am ; ¶Ayn al-Qud.a¯t, Na¯mah-ha¯ , 2:316.16. On ¶Ayn al- Qud.a¯t’s relationship to Abu¯ H.a¯mid al-Ghaza¯lı¯, see Pûrjavâdî, ¶Ayn al-Quz . a¯t va-usta¯z ¯ a¯n-i u¯ , 135–79; and Ma¯yil Hira¯wı¯, Kha¯s.s.iyyat-i a¯yinagı¯ , 8–10, 77–80. 136. ¶Ayn al-Qud.a¯t, Na¯mah-ha¯ , 1:20–21; Izutsu, “Mysticism and the Linguistic Problem of Equivocation in the Thought of ¶Ayn al-Qud.a¯t Hamada¯nı¯,” 166–68. 137. ¶Ayn al-Qud.a¯t, Zubdat al-h.aqa¯ 7iq , 6. 138. Ibid., 11–13; Izutsu, “Creation and the Timesless Order of Things,” 127–30; Landolt, “Ghaza¯lı¯ and Religionswissenschaft,” 55–56. On Ibn Sı¯na¯’s proof, see Mayer, “Ibn Sı¯na¯’s
cenna’s Proof of the Existence of God”; and and Marmura, “Avicenna’s Proof from Contingency.” 139. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Fad.a¯ 7ih. al-ba¯t.iniyya , 82–83. See Goodman, “Ghazâlî’s Argument from Creation,” 75–76. 140. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Taha¯fut , 140–42 / 82–83. Davidson, Proofs for Eternity , 366–75; Janssens, “Ibn Sı¯na¯ and His Heritage,” 4–5; and Goodman, “Ghazâlî’s Argument from Creation,” 75–85, discuss al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s ambiguity toward the burha¯n al-s.iddı¯qı¯n . Good- man (p. 75) explains why, according to al-Ghaza¯lı¯, the assumption of an eternal world destroys Ibn Sı¯na¯’s argument from contingency. 141. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯ in MS London, Or. 3126, fol. 3a; translated in Griffel, “MS London, British Library Or. 3126,” 17. 142. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯ in MS London, Or. 3126, fol. 3a; paraphrasing Ibn Sı¯na¯, al-Isha¯ra¯t , 146.15–17 143. Frank, Al-Ghaza¯lı¯ and the Ash ¶arite School, 129, n. 76; Goodman, “Ghazâlî’s Argument from Creation,” 67, 77–78. Cf. also the comments on the two proofs in al- Ghaza¯lı¯, MS London, Or. 3126, fol. 3a; translated in Griffel, “MS London, British Library Or. 3126,” 17. 144. ¶Ayn al-Qud.a¯t, Tamhı¯da¯t , 254–354 (referring to al-Ghaza¯lı¯, see ibid., 255– 56).
145. ¶Ayn al-Qud.a¯t, Zubdat al-h.aqa¯ 7iq , 38.3–4. 146. For these teachings in al-Ghaza¯lı¯, see Ih.ya¯ 7 ¶ulu¯m al-dı¯n , 4:112.4ff. / 2224.12ff. and 4:120 / 2237. Cf. Gramlich, Muh.ammad al-G
147. Izutsu, “Creation and the Timeless Order of Things,” 130–38. 148. ¶Ayn al-Qud.a¯t, Na¯mah-ha¯ , 2:314–16. This letter by ¶Ayn al-Qud.a¯t to his follower ¶Azı¯z al-Dı¯n al-Mustawfı¯ (d. 527/1133) is notable for its comments and for its criticism of al-Ghaza¯lı¯ (ibid., 2:309–31). Cf. Safi , The Politics of Knowledge , 174. 149. ¶Ayn al-Qud.a¯t, Na¯mah-ha¯ , 1:105.
not e s to page s 8 1 – 8 4 3 1 3 150. ¶Ayn al-Qud.a¯t, Tamhı¯da¯t , 349–50; cf. Reisman, Making of the Avicennan Tradi- tion , 140.
151. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Ih.ya¯ 7 ¶ulu¯m al-dı¯n , 4:305–22 / 13:2494–518. 152. ¶Ayn al-Qud.a¯t, Tamhı¯da¯t , 167. Cf. Safi , Politics of Knowledge , 179. 153. ¶Ayn al-Qud.a¯t, Na¯mah-ha¯ , 1:244; 2:339, 487–88; cf. Safi , Politics of Knowledge , 175–76, 182–89. 154. shayt.a¯n az shaya¯t.ı¯n-i uns, dushmanı¯ az dushmana¯n-i Khuda¯ va-rasu¯l ; Ayn al- Qud.a¯t, Na¯mah-ha¯ , 2:375.3. 155. Ibid., 2:58.1 156. Ibn Qası¯, Kita¯b Khal ¶ al-na ¶layn . Ibn ¶Arabı¯ (d. 638/1240), the famous Sufi , wrote a commentary to this work. On Ibn Qası¯ and his book, see Goodrich, A Sufi Revolt in Portugal: Ibn Qasi and his Kita¯b khal ’ al-na ’ layn (including an edition of the work on pp. 60–272); and Dreher, Das Imamat des islamischen Mystikers Abu¯lqa¯sim Ah.mad ibn al-H . usain ibn Qası¯. Goodrich (pp. 317–18) and Muh.ammad Amra¯nı¯, the editor of Ibn Qası¯’s Khal ¶ al-na ¶layn , suggest that a passage close to the end of that book is copied from al-Ghaza¯lı¯ (?), Ma ¶a¯rij al-Quds , 168–72. The author of this book, however, copied this passage himself from Avicenna (Janssens, “Le Ma ¶ârij al-quds fî madârij ma ¶rifat al-nafs,” 37). Hence, Ibn Qası¯ might have also adopted this passage from Ibn Sı¯na, al-
157. bi-t.t.ira¯h al- ¶a¯lamayn ; al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Mishka¯t al-anwa¯r , 73.9–11 / 161.2–4; cf. Fays.al al-tafriqa , 191.5–6 / 55.3–4. Ibn Taymiyya, Minha¯j al-sunna , 4:149.5–8, makes a close con- nection between al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s Mishka¯t and Ibn Qası¯’s Khal ¶ al-na ¶layn . 158. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz
159. Al-Bundarı¯, Zubdat al-nus.ra , 151–52; al-Bayhaqı¯, Tatimmat S.iwa¯n al-h.ikma , 109; al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 7:128–30; Ya¯qu¯t, Mu ¶jam al-bulda¯n , 4:710; al-S.afadı¯, al-Wa¯f ı¯ bi-l-
160. Ya¯qu ¯t, Mu ¶jam al-udaba¯ 7 , 4:1550–551. 161. Al-Bundarı¯, Zubdat al-nusra , 151.14–15 These words go back to Anu ¯shirwa¯n ibn Kha¯lid (d. around 532/1138) or to ¶Ima¯d al-Dı¯n al-Is.faha¯nı¯ (d. 597/1201). 162. Gerhard Böwering in EIran , 3:141, lists all the accusations. 163. ¶Ayn al-Qud.a¯t, Risa¯lat Shakwa¯ l-gharı¯b , 9–11. 164. On ¶Ayn al-Qud.a¯t’s teachings regarding God’s way of knowing the particulars of His creation, see Izutsu, “Mysticism and the Linguistic Problem of Equivocation in the Thought of ¶Ayn al-Qud.a¯t Hamada¯nı¯,” 163–66; and idem, “Creation and the Time- less Order of Things,” 135. 165. ¶Ayn al-Qud.a¯t, Risa¯lat Shakwa¯ l-gharı¯b , 9.14–10.1. See also Landolt, “Ghaza¯lı¯ and Religionswissenschaft ,” 60. 166. Izutsu, “Creation and the Timesless Order of Things”; idem, “Mysticism and the Linguistic Problem of Equivocation in the Thought of ¶Ayn al-Qud.a¯t Hamada¯nı¯”; Landolt, “Two Types of Mystical Thought in Muslim Iran: An Essay on Suhrawardı¯ Shaykh al-Ishra¯q and ¶Aynulquz.a¯t-i Hamada¯nı¯,” 192–204; and idem, “Ghaza¯lı¯ and Reli- gionswissenschaft ,” 55–60. See also Pu¯rjava¯dı¯, ¶Ayn al-Quz . a¯t va-usta¯za¯n-i u¯ ; Ma¯yil Hira¯wı¯, Kha¯s.s.iyyat-i a¯yinagı¯ ; and Gerhard Böwering’s article in EIran.
167. MS Patna (India), Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public Library (Bankipore), no. 1825. See Rid.wa¯n al-Sayyid’s introduction to al-Asad wa-l-ghawwa¯s. , 8–9. Only after fi nishing the work on this book I came across another manuscript of the work, MS Yale University, Beinecke Library, Landberg 98 (Nemoy 467), that identifi es the author as Abu
¯ l-Baraka¯t Nas.r ibn Sala¯ma al-Dimashqı¯. I have not been able to identify this person in any of the relevant bio-bibliographical sources and reference works. Brockelmann, 3 1 4 not e s to page s 8 4 – 8 7 GAL, Suppl. 1:809, was aware of one of the MSS used in the edition but did not identify it as an independent work. 168. Ibn al-Muqaffa ¶, Kalı¯la wa-Dimna , 217–27 / 245–59. There are different recen- sions of the Arabic text with different chapter arrangements. In Cheikho’s edition, the story is the tenth chapter after the introductions. In the oldest MS of the work, which was edited by ¶Azza¯m and is less representative with regard to the order of the stories, it is the eleventh chapter. The plot of al-Asad wa-l-ghawwa¯s. takes many elements both from the stories about the lion and the bull and from Dimna’s trial in the fi rst and sec- ond chapters of Kalı¯la wa-Dimna , 53–124 / 43–124. Al-Asad wa-l-ghawwa¯s. mentions Ibn al-Muqaffa ¶ in its introduction (p. 40.2). Van den Bergh, “Ghazali on ‘Gratitude Towards God,’ ” 92, argues that al-Ghaza¯lı¯ may have been familiar with Kalı¯la wa-Dimna . (On the strength of this argument see below, p. 348, note 81.) As far as I know, al-Ghaza¯lı¯ nowhere mentions Ibn al-Muqaffa ¶ in his works. It is true that most MSS and editions of al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s Fays.al al-tafriqa include in its eleventh chapter a derogatory reference to “al-Muqaffa ¶.” That, however, is a scribal mistake that happened very early in the manu- script tradition. The original reference is, for instance, in MS Berlin, Wetzstein II 1806, fol. 84b, and refers to “al-Muqanna ¶” (“the veiled one”), a religious propagandist, who ap- peared in northern Khorasan in 160/777 and who is also referred to in Niz.a¯m al-Mulk’s Siya¯sat-nama¯h , 252. (See my German translation, Al-G
169. Al-Asad wa-l-ghawwa¯s. , 183.18–19. See also the very helpful German translation of the text by Rotter, Löwe und Schakal , 194. 170. Al-Asad wa-l-ghawwa¯s. , 204–7. 171. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Risa¯la ila¯ Abu¯ l-Fath. al-Damı¯mı¯ , 27–28; MS Berlin, Petermann II 8, pp. 121–22. The letter was published already during al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s lifetime. The literary technique of having the autobiographic narrator conducting an inner dialogue between himself and his soul appears fi rst in Arabic literature in Burzôye’s introduction in Ibn al-Muqaffa ¶, Kalı¯la wa-Dimna , 32–33 / 27–28, and is later used in Sufi literature. The passage in al-Ghaza¯lı¯ is quite reminiscent of the one in Burzôye’s introduction. 172. Al-Asad wa-l-ghawwa¯s. , 70.8–9, cf. 111.2–6. 173. See, for example, al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-Munqidh , 27.7–8; idem Ilja¯m al- ¶awa¯mm , 10.15– 16 / 67.3–4, 18.6 / 77.12; and Risa¯la ila¯ Abu¯ l-Fath. al-Damı¯mı¯ , 30.10–13, MS Berlin, Peter- mann II 8, p. 123. 174. Ibn T.ufayl, H.ayy ibn Yaqz.a¯n , 19.5. The metaphor of scholarship as being a “plunge” ( khawd. ) into something dangerous is, of course, not limited to al-Ghaza¯lı¯ and appears more often in Arabic religious literature. 175. dar darya¯-yi ¶ulu¯m-i dı¯n ghawwa¯s.ı¯ kard ; al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz . a¯ 7il al-ana¯m , 4.16–17; Krawulsky, Briefe und Reden , 65. See above pp. 28–9 176. Al-Qushayrı¯, al-Risa¯la , 1:403. The verse is sometimes attributed to al-Sha¯fi ¶ı¯. 177. kullu l- ¶ada¯wati qad turja¯ iza¯latuha¯ (or: ima¯tatuha¯ ), illa¯ ¶ada¯watu man ¶a¯da¯ka ¶an h.asad ; al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz . a¯ 7il al-ana¯m, 13, and Fays.al al-tafriqa, 15/128. In Ayyuha¯ l-walad, 49.1–2, the verse is quoted in a general context and not brought in connection with al- Ghaza¯lı¯’s adversaries. 178. Al-Asad wa-l-ghawwa¯s. , 69.10–70.5. 179. Ibid., 82.8–9, 96–101. 180. The maxim is the general tenor of Book 32 on patience and thankfulness ( al-s.abr wa-l-shukr ), while the implications on the daily conduct are worked out in the second part of Book 35 on trust in God ( tawakkul ). On the permissible use of astrology, see Ih.ya¯ 7 , 4:146 / 2272. 181. Al-Asad wa-l-ghawwa¯s. , 83.11–17, 92.3–4.
not e s to page s 8 7 – 9 1 3 1 5 182. Ibid., 199.5–9. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Ih.ya¯ 7 , 3:9.4–6 / 1355–56, compares the relationship of the soul with its body to that of a king residing over a city ( madı¯na ) and a kingdom ( mamlaka ). 183. Al-Asad wa-l-ghawwa¯s. , 94.1–2. Cf. the saying, “Do not know the truth ( h.aqq ) by the man [who utters it], rather know the truth [by itself ] and you will know its adher- ents,” that al-Ghaza¯lı¯ attributes to ¶Alı¯ ibn Abı¯ T.a¯lib and that he quotes several times in his works (see e.g., al-Munqidh , 25.16). 184. Al-Asad wa-l-ghawwa¯s. , 151.9–152.3. 185. Ibid., 91.7–8. 186. Ibid., 187.14–16. 187. Ibid., 167.17–19. 188. Ibid., 193.10–195.8; see also 74.5–10. 189. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Ih.ya¯ 7 , 3:69.21–23 / 1442.9–11. 190. Ibid., 3:68.2–5 / 1439–440. 191. Ibid., 1:28–32 / 28–34. 192. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Kı¯mya¯-yi sa ¶a¯dat , 1:5.1–2; Ih.ya¯ 7 , 3:78 / 1453–454. 193. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Hima¯qat-i ahl-i iba¯h.at , 12.2–9 / 175.9–176.7 194. da¯d dar ı¯n dawr bar -anda¯khteh ast ; Niz.a¯mı¯, Khamsah , 1:91–3 ( Makhzan al-asra¯r , lines 1106–41). chapter 3
1. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-Munqidh , 18.9–15. 2. Such criticism was voiced, for instance, by al-Ma¯zarı¯ al-Ima¯m (d. 536/1141) in his lost al-Kashf wa-l-inba 7 ¶ala¯ mutarjam al- Ih.ya¯ 7 . The passage is quoted in al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:240.3–4. 3. Griffel, “MS London, British Library Or. 3126: An Unknown Work by al- Ghaza¯lı¯ on Metaphysics and Philosophical Theology.” 4. Janssens, “Le Dânesh-Nâmeh d’Ibn Sînâ,” 168–77. 5. See, for instance, Bouyges, Essai de chronologie , 23–24.
6. Janssens, “Al-Ghazza¯lı¯ and His Use of Avicennian Texts,” 43–45.
7. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Maqa¯s.id , 1:2–3 / 31–32; 3:77 / 385.
8. Janssens, “Al-Ghazza¯lı¯ and His Use of Avicennian Texts,” 45; Griffel, “MS London, British Library Or. 3126,” 9–10.
9. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Taha¯fut 6.6 / 3.5; and idem, al-Munqidh , 18.7–10. See Griffel, “ Taqlı¯d of the Philosophers,” 274–78. 10. Baneth, “Jehuda Hallewi und Gazali,” 29, 31; idem, “Rabbi Yehudah ha-Levi we-Algazzali.” 313, 315–16.
11. Griffel, “ Taqlı¯d of the Philosophers,” 286–91.
12. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Taha¯fut , 4.3–9 / 1.11–2.2; See Griffel, “ Taqlı¯d of the Philosophers,” 278–86.
13. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Taha¯fut , 16.8–11 / 9.14–18. See Griffel, “ Taqlı¯d of the Philoso- Download 4.03 Mb. Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: 
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