Handbook of psychology volume 7 educational psychology

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Relationships Between Teachers and Children

indicators of true developmental achievement. Attention to

developmental pathways rather than a narrower focus on spe-

cific outcomes of concern may be of use to intervention de-

sign and application.

Standardized Protocols and Local Politics

Psychological and educational interventions vary widely on

their embrace of standardization in application of ideas and

resources. School reform efforts, for example, can vary from

locally controlled efforts to achieve standardized targets to

implementation of regimented standardization of curriculum

and school management (e.g., Felner, Favazza, Shim, &

Brand, 2001). In other areas of educational innovation, for

the most part, local control and local politics overwhelm

efforts at standardization, to the extent that prominent federal

officials suggest that the lack of research and evaluation on

innovations using standard protocols is a fundamental flaw

impeding the development, implementation, and dissemina-

tion of promising educational practices (Lyon, 2000). In

addition, educational research over the last decade has

increasingly been dominated by qualitative methodology and

theoretical paradigms that embrace the uniqueness of nearly

every subject of inquiry (e.g., child, teacher, school). It is fair

to conclude that in educational practice, standardization of

practice (not to be equated with the use of standardized

assessment or achievement standards) is the exception, not

the rule.

On the other hand, psychological interventions, such as

those used in clinical and school psychology practice, are

increasingly coming under scrutiny for the use of standard-

ized, empirically supported protocols, most often those that

have been described in manualized form. This movement

reflects a growing body of information on the effectiveness of

protocols that have been implemented in standard fashion

and a movement toward accountability in mental health

services and care (see Henggeler et al., 1998; Weissberg &

Bell, 1997). By and large, the available evidence suggests

that manualized treatment protocols, particularly those that

focus on specific behavioral targets, demonstrate significant

gains and improvements in targeted outcomes.

Yet most efforts at educational innovation and application

of psychological theory in school settings must also recog-

nize the realities of local constraints and local pressures

while at the same time embracing a validated knowledge

base that can inform choices about intervention strategies

and techniques. Theory about the processes that produce

the problem under consideration—particularly the role of

contexts in shaping behavioral patterns—can provide a use-

ful guide for local-level applications of treatment protocols.

Theory-based knowledge used in this way should be well val-

idated and can serve as a means for practitioners to make the

many important local decisions that they face. Developmen-

tal systems theory provides child and adolescent psycholo-

gists with a set of principles by which behavior change in

context can be understood, an asset to local decision-making

processes.

Wellness Enhancement and Risk Reduction

Although the widespread interest in preventive intervention

(often through applications in schools) has been embraced by

nearly all educational and psychological researchers and

policy makers, Cowen (1999) pointed out that such a per-

spective differs from a focus on competence enhancement.

As Cowen noted, prevention approaches or risk-reduction

approaches nearly always have as their primary goal or

desired outcome the elimination of pathology. Risk-reduction

approaches are therefore biased by this singular focus on neg-

ative outcomes, a phenomenon that in Cowen’s view could

mislead and reduce efforts to promote health in the popula-

tion. For example, in dental health a focus on eliminating

cavities and tooth decay led to the widespread use of fluoride

in the water supply, by all estimations a success. However,

the limitations of this intervention for children who did not

brush their teeth, receive regular teeth cleanings, or have

adequate nutrition have been well documented. The narrow

focus on preventing negative outcomes neglected the larger

needs to promote and maintain adequate dental health prac-

tices. Prevention and health promotion are not one and the

same.

On the contrary, wellness or competence enhancement

approaches utilize an understanding of the resources and prac-

tices that promote healthy human development and focus

efforts on developing and deploying such resources to all

individuals. In education we see an emphasis on providing

high-quality literacy instruction to all children in an effort to

see that all children become literate, in contrast to identifica-

tion of disabilities in children who fail to learn to read. Wellness

enhancement is different from, and complementary to, risk re-

duction, and Cowen argued that it is not sufficient to focus

solely on disease prevention. What is needed is a multilevel,

proactive approach that includes strong wellness and compe-

tence enhancement as well as provisions for children who are

not likely to benefit fully from those efforts (Cowen, 1997,

1999). Because only one third of clinically distressed children

or adolescents will receive mental health treatment (Durlak &

Wells, 1997), approaches that promote health and reduce risk

preventively will be prominent among the considerations of

policy makers for the near future.

Educational and Psychological Applications Related to Child-Teacher Relationships

223

Influencing Relationship Resources in Schools

Schools, as public institutions in which nearly the entire pop-

ulation participates, are often a very frequent focus of efforts

to promote health and reduce risk (Cowen, 1999). Along with

families, schools are the single most frequently mentioned

context as a site for intervention (Nastasi, 1998). Risk re-

duction efforts that attempt to make either environmental

changes or person-level changes often do it in a school set-

ting. For example, Durlak and Wells (1997) found that 72.9%

of all preventive intervention studies for children took place

in schools, and 20% of change agents were teachers. In

fact, one might argue that public education is a very large

competence-enhancement policy and strategy.

Within schools, efforts can be person or environment

focused (Durlak & Wells, 1997), and environmentally focused

interventions can target person-environment interaction pat-

terns. Felner et al. (2001) argued that because developmental

outcomes are based on transactions between individuals and

environments, prevention-intervention should be aimed at

both individuals and environments. When promoting health

for all children, alterations in the environment are preferable

to alterations in individuals (Felner et al., 2001)—yet another

reason to view competence enhancement and risk reduction as

distinct (Cowen, 1999).

It is in this context that improved relationships between

teachers and children are either (a) a focus of intervention

efforts or (b) a by-product of other efforts directed at chil-

dren, teachers, classrooms, or schools. Using Eccles and

Roeser’s (1998) model of school processes and structure, it is

possible to discuss an assortment of educational and psycho-

logical applications that either focus on improving child-

teacher relationships or, as a function of improvement in

other aspects of the larger network of systems in which this

relationship is embedded, have consequences for the quality

of child-teacher relationships. Eccles and Roeser’s (1998)

model of the context of schooling is a helpful organizing

framework because of its focus on understanding the multi-

ple layers of school organization and process. In particular,

we discuss applications related to (a) organizational ethos of

the school, its structure, and resources; (b) classroom ethos,

structure, and characteristics of the teacher; and (c) social

interactions between teachers and children. In addition, we

review applications that focus on altering aspects of the child

that have, as a by-product, consequences for how the child

and teacher interact and relate.

As noted by Eccles and Roeser (1998), the multiple lev-

els of regulatory processes within school organizations are

dynamic and interrelated, sometimes characterized by

moment-by-moment change and other times appearing

immovably entrenched and stable. On this basis, attempts to

deploy resources directed at altering any aspect of this com-

plex web of activity must attend to the need to implement and

evaluate such efforts over time and to the direct and indirect ef-

fects of the effort on the targeted focus as well as at other levels

and locations. Furthermore, interventions that target critical

processes across multiple levels and processes over time are

likely to result in a greater likelihood of change, although the

change may be more diffuse and less easy to evaluate.

Organizational Ethos, Structure,

and Resources of Schools

There is widespread acknowledgement that schools function

somewhat like communities in that they vary in terms of cli-

mate, ethos, values, and generalized expectations regarding

the behavior of students and teachers. Furthermore, there are

very marked differences in schools across the developmental

span—thus, middle schools are quite different from elemen-

tary schools, and both in turn vary considerably from high

schools (e.g., Harter, 1996). Climate influences children’s’

confidence in their abilities (Cauce, Comer, & Schwartz,

1987) and teachers’ efficacy beliefs (Bandura, 1994) and can

influence teaching practices that affect children’s motivation

and self-views (MacIver, Reuman, & Main, 1995). Interven-

tions at this level are complex and often diffuse, involving

restructuring of time and scheduling, allocation of space and

teaching resources, and placement policies (e.g., practices

such as looping), as well as work related to school values, staff

support and involvement in decision-making, and cultural

issues (Felner et al., 2001; Haynes, 1998). With a few excep-

tions (e.g., looping), interventions at this level are not directly

focused on improving relationships between teachers and

children, yet these relationships can be profoundly affected.

In a comprehensive review of whole-school restructuring

projects and their consequences for student mental health,

Felner et al. (2001) concluded that there is often a “mismatch

between the conditions and practices students encounter in

grades k-12 and the developmental needs, readiness, and

capacities of students” (p. 3). One of these needs, as argued

by many scholars and practitioners, is to form functional,

effective, supportive relationships with peers and adults in

the school setting (Connell & Wellborn, 1991; Eccles &

Roeser, 1998).

With regard to specific interventions that focus on the

entire school, a range of such approaches shows promise

with regard to positive influences on child-teacher relation-

ships. Next we briefly describe a few approaches and then

discuss their relevance for relationships between teachers

and children.

224

Relationships Between Teachers and Children

Durlak and Wells’s (1997) meta-analysis of primary pre-

vention efforts supports the effectiveness of programs that

modify the school environment and help children negotiate

transitions. School Transitional Environments Project (STEP)

focuses on promoting health in the transition from elemen-

tary school to junior high or from junior to senior high

school; this focus on transition is warranted because of evi-

dence suggesting that these transitions both heighten risk

time and create opportunity for growth (Felner et al., 2001).

Because risk during transition is driven by heightened com-

plexity and developmental demands as well as the school’s

inability to provide needed supports, this project increases

the school’s ability to respond to children’s needs by es-

sentially creating schools within schools. In this approach

(which is widely used in large schools), teams of 60 to 100

students have classes together and have consistent homeroom

advisors and counselors. Time is allotted for all teachers to

meet and discuss students, to integrate curriculum, and to in-

crease coherence and support available to students. These

efforts reduce complexity for students and build a sense of

continuity and community. Critically, these school restructur-

ing efforts result in an increase in and stabilization of contact

between children and a teacher or teachers (Felner et al.,

2001).

Consistent with conclusions that relations between high-

quality child-teacher relationships and child outcomes indi-

cate a process of engagement between the child and

schooling, results of STEP have been promising for chil-

dren’s school adjustment. Felner et al. (2001) reported 40%

to 50% declines in school dropout, maintenance of achieve-

ment levels, and fewer child- and teacher-reported behav-

ioral-emotional problems. It is not surprising that teachers

also reported higher job satisfaction and less burnout (see

Felner et al., 2001). Felner’s group also examined features of

the school that interacted with the intervention and concluded

that the riskier the school, the more complete the intervention

must be to see positive results in school adjustment. Common

dimensions of successful schools, according to Felner et al.

(2001) include the following: a sense of belongingness and

agency; engagement of families; an integrated, quality cur-

riculum; ongoing professional development (both in curricu-

lum content and in child development); high expectations for

students; and opportunities for success (see Felner et al.,

2001).

For nearly two decades, the CDP (Battistich et al., 1997;

Solomon et al., 1996) has been involved intensively with

schools to promote social and moral development, a sense of

community, and active caring for children within the school.

The need for schools to become caring communities

(Battistich et al., 1997) is most commonly identified at the

middle and high school levels, where preadolescent and ado-

lescent disengagement and lack of connection to school

values and social ethos are most marked; however, the CDP

has been primarily involved with elementary schools.

Although the actual implementation and end product of the

CDP intervention involve mostly a set of changes taking

place at the classroom level, CDP involves extensive analysis

and reshaping of the school environment as a prerequisite for

changes sought at the classroom level (Battistich et al.,

1997). In the view of CDP, interventions to address concerns

such as caring, relationships, student autonomy, and values

need to engage both at the classroom and school levels, with

primary focus in their most recent work at the school level.

Prominent among the outcomes sought at the classroom

level are opportunities for (a) collaboration among students

in pursuit of common goals, (b) providing help and receiving

help when needed, (c) reflection and discussion of one’s own

and other’s perspectives and goals, and (d) practice of social

competencies and exercise of autonomy and decision mak-

ing. Battistich et al. (1997) stated that “students in such

classrooms should feel strong affective ties to one another

and to the teacher” (p. 138). In the San Ramon Project

(Battistich, Solomon, Watson, Solomon, & Schaps, 1989),

CDP focused on changing the whole school level by draw-

ing on parent, child, and teacher involvement and invest-

ment to maximize children’s autonomy, relatedness, and

competence. This approach involved changing discipline

practices, teaching style (i.e., emphasizing cooperative learn-

ing, making curriculum meaningful), and broadening the

focus of schools such that goals include facilitating social

and ethical dispositions, attitudes and motivations, and

metacognitive skills in addition to facilitating academic de-

velopment (Battistich, Watson, Solomon, Lewis, & Schaps,

1999). To promote these skills, Battistich et al. suggested that

schools emphasize building and maintaining supportive, car-

ing relationship between teachers and students (as well as

among teachers and among peers). More specifically, to

build these relationships, they suggested activities such as

having teachers and students share appropriate aspects of

their personal lives, eat lunch together in small groups, and

engage in other activities that communicate to students that

teachers are genuinely interested and concerned about the

range of their experiences and not only about their academic

work. They also suggest that teacher-parent communication

should be a priority so that teachers can have a greater aware-

ness of what is going on in their students’ lives. When

schools prioritize these activities, it should allow teachers to

know enough about their students to be able to adapt the cur-

riculum so that it is relevant and interesting to students and

so that students will know that their teachers care for them

Educational and Psychological Applications Related to Child-Teacher Relationships

225

and want to be in a collaborative partnership with them to

help them attain their goals.

Several studies have evaluated the approach used by the

CDP at both the school and classroom levels (see Battistich

et al., 1997; Strachota, 1996). Battistich et al. (1997) summa-

rized the evaluation of two years of implementation data in

24 (12 comparison) highly diverse schools. By and large the

findings indicate positive changes in desired outcomes for the

12 CDP schools (and associated teachers and children). It is

significant that the CDP was able to demonstrate that the

targets of its approach at both the school and classroom level

changed as a function of implementation and that changes

in classroom practice were in turn responsible for changes in

student achievement, attitude, and behavior as well as

attitudes and behaviors of teachers. With regard to student-

teacher relationships, the CDP produced changes in teachers’

observed warmth and supportiveness to students and low use

of extrinsic control measures, both of which were in part

responsible for children’s increased engagement, influence in

the classroom setting, and positive behavior toward peers and

adults. Students reported an increase in the enjoyment of the

classroom and motivation to learn, both of which are percep-

tions related to the child’s sense of relatedness within the

classroom environment (Connell & Wellborn, 1991).

Nelson (1996) addressed the need for schools to change

teacher-child interactions around children’s disruptive be-

havior so that children improve and teachers feel more effec-

tive. The goal of this elementary school intervention effort

was to identify and change school and classroom practices

that fostered disruptive behavior. Adults’ management of

disruptive behavior through school-, classroom-, and individ-

ually focused strategies was the goal of this approach,

premised on the notion that adult-child relationships can

enhance child social development when the adults make it

clear to children which behaviors are acceptable and which

are not (Nelson, 1996). The space and scheduling of the

school were changed to make it easier for adults to supervise

children in less crowded settings. Behavioral guidelines for

all common areas were taught, and enforced inappropriate

behavior was responded to quickly and effectively. Also, the

interactions between teachers and children in the classroom

were changed. There was a school-wide classroom manage-

ment system for disruptive behavior that reduced patterns

of escalating negativity between classroom teachers and stu-

dents. The results were that disciplinary actions decreased

notably, teachers felt more supported, and their sense of

confidence increased. The target children’s social adjustment

fell within normal range, and their work habits improved

after the intervention. This behaviorally focused approach to

reduction of disruption is consistent with Pianta’s (1999)

view that such approaches enhance the feedback and infor-

mation exchange processes in child-teacher relationships by

making information clear to both children and teachers,

thereby creating a sense of predictability and safety that

enhances the affective and interactive quality of the relation-

ship system.

Classroom Ethos and Practices

It can be difficult to distinguish between school- and

classroom-level interventions, particularly those that involve

social and attitudinal processes and mechanisms. Often,

attempts to alter teachers’ classroom behavior occur as a

function of meetings involving groups of teachers within a

school (e.g., Nelson, 1996), in which school leaders also

participate. As noted earlier, even though interventions

may target classroom practices and behaviors, to the extent

that they are delivered through or otherwise involve groups

of teachers or all teachers in the school, these interventions

may best be considered as whole-school in their focus, al-

though they differ from interventions that target only whole-

school issues (such as Felner et al., 2001). In this section we

focus on intervention approaches that involve, to a greater

extent than those reviewed earlier, within-classroom prac-

tices of specific teachers.

Project Fast Track (Conduct Problems Prevention Re-

search Group [CPPRG], 1999) has a specific focus on

enhancing children’s social and emotional competencies and

reducing negative, aggressive social behavior, starting with

children as they enter school. Although the intervention

is multifaceted, involving academic tutoring and social skills

groups among others, a core component of the intervention

is the classroom teachers’ use of the Promoting Alternative

Thinking Strategies (PATHS) curriculum (Greenberg,

Kusche, Cook, & Quamma, 1995). PATHS is designed to

help children identify and label feelings and social interac-

tions, reflect on those feelings and interactions, generate

solutions and alternatives for interpretation and behavior, and

test such alternatives. For example, teachers are trained to

add lessons to their first-grade curriculum that teach children

emotional understanding, communication skills, self-control,

and social participation.

Evaluation indicates that PATHS can be effective in altering

the quality of the classroom climate and relationships within

the classroom (CPPRG, 1999). Specifically, teachers who had

a better understanding of the importance of teaching PATHS

skills, generalized the lessons taught in the PATHS curriculum

to their interactions with students throughout the day, and

had effective management skills reported more decreases in