Language Typology and Syntactic Description, Volume I: Clause Structure, Second edition
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Lgg Typology, Synt Description v. I - Clause structure
Avery D. Andrews
or other languages where np omission is widespread, something stronger is required, such as obligatory omission, and it must furthermore not be pos- sible to describe the class of nps which can be omitted in purely semantic terms. It is also important that the phenomenon involves a variety of semantic roles. If, for example, only agents were obligatorily suppressed in this construction, one could claim that the principle referred to agent, a semantic role, rather than to a grammatical relation in sentence structure. The Warlpiri and English constructions we have discussed so far are both adverbial in nature, but subject ellipsis can be an optional or obligatory feature of virtually any kind of subordinate or coordinate clause construction in some languages. English nonfinite (participial) relative clauses require ellipsis of the subject (which is understood as coreferential with the head): (56) a. People [reporting their neighbours to the authorities] will be rewarded. b. People [reported by their neighbours to the authorities] will be investigated. (57) a. *People [their neighbours(’) reporting] will be investigated b. *People [their neighbours(’) reported by] will be investigated English has other strategies of relativization that can be used on non-subjects, but, in some languages, such as Malagasy (Keenan and Comrie (1977)), rela- tivization is possible only for subjects. Complement and coordinate clauses can also be useful in arguing for a subject grammatical relation, although probably not as often as adverbial clauses. We present an example from Icelandic. In this language, there is a subject clearly identified by the coding features of preverbal position (in sentences without topicalization), nominative case, and agreement with the verb: (58) a. Vi ð d¨onsu ð -um we(nom.1pl) danced-1pl ‘We danced’ b. eir d´o-u they(nom.pl) died-3pl ‘They died’ c. eir dr´apu hunda-na they(nom.pl) killed-3pl dogs-the(acc) ‘They killed the dogs’ The major functions of the noun phrase 173 But there is also a group of verbs that take an np in the regular preverbal ‘subject’ position, but show differences in other coding features – the case can be genitive, dative or accusative, and there is no verb agreement: 13 (59) a. ´a vantar peninga them(acc.pl) lacks(3sg) money(acc) ‘They lack money’ b. M´er l´ıkar vel vi ð henni me(dat) likes(3sg) well with her(dat) ‘I like her’ Complement subject ellipsis provides evidence that these non-nominative nps are subjects in spite of lacking the coding features of nominative case and agreement. This is provided by the considerable number of verbs taking infinitival com- plements introduced by the complementizer a ð . These complements require their subject to be missing, and understood as coreferent to the main clause subject: (60) a. ´Eg vonast til a ð sj´a hana I(nom) hope toward to see her(acc) b. * ´Eg vonast til a ð ´eg sj´a hana I(nom) hope toward to i see her(acc) c. * ´Eg vonast til ´eg a ð sj´a hana I(nom) hope toward i to see her(acc) ‘I hope to see her’ Examples (b) and (c) are bad because they contain attempted complement subjects in position before and after a ð , which is not possible. But the putative oblique subjects like those of (59) do basically satisfy the requirement that a subject be ellipsed, although ellipsis of a non-nominative subject does result in some degradation of acceptability (Thr´ainsson (1979:301– 4, 469); Andrews (1990)): (61) ´Eg vonast til a ð vanta ekki peninga I(nom) hope towards to lack not money ‘I hope not to lack money’ This example also illustrates that the process applies to more semantic roles than just agents. 13 There is considerably more to the subject position than just a tendency to appear first. See J´onsson (1996) for a recent analysis of Icelandic clause structure. |
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