Phraseology and Culture in English
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Phraseology and Culture in English
Fixed expressions as manifestations of cultural conceptualizations
405 SPIRITS ARE PART OF PRESENT REALITY , as illustrated by Angry people coming back to the living to demand justice on those who had killed them. (Luangala 1991: 34) and the concept PERSONS OF RESPECT AND AUTHORITY ARE MEDIATORS BETWEEN THE SPIRITS AND THE LIVING , which brings forth expressions like Kings incarnate their cultural heritage and are intermediaries between the living and the ancestral spirits and deities. (CEC) The ancestors and gods keep a watchful eye on the living through the me- diation of the king. (CEC) This spiritual or magical dimension is ambiguous and the moral matrix which is applied to it is strongly derived from the values of the kinship model. Magical forces directed against the kinship order are thus per- ceived as negative, those that are in accordance with it, as positive. This ambiguity of occult practices is most notably embodied by the traditional doctors (or herbalists, witch-doctors, traditional healers for some alterna- tive names). They protect and re-establish the social balance disturbed by witchcraft attacks, by applying magical means, i.e., by beating the threat with its own weapons. For the positive use of occult powers, see the fol- lowing passages: In some African states like Nigeria, Uganda, Tanzania and Kenya laws have been passed long ago not only to tame witchcraft frenzy but to control witch- craft activities though sometimes the regulation affected people like witch- doctors who seek to protect society against witchcraft. (WCL) Traditional doctors are known to have the ability to cast evil spells, which can be attributed to death or illness, for example, or undo evil spells in the form of healing and rescue. (Williams 2002: 53) Negatively, witchcraft is often ascribed to events which are a particular peril to the continuation of the community and the kinship order. This applies to illnesses in general: His second wife Zama had [...] died while still very strong and healthy. She had been bewitched by her grandmother. (Luangala 1991: 45) and to sickness or death of children or young and healthy adults in particu- lar ( ILLNESS OR DEATH OF A YOUNG PERSON OR HEALTHY ADULT IS A SIGN OF WITCHCRAFT , see Wolf and Simo Bobda 2001: 247f ): 406 Hans-Georg Wolf and Frank Polzenhagen Aina is [...] sickly and dull in school [...] the mother attributes his [sic] son’s predicament to the second wife’s jealousy. She must be a witch. (Gbadege- sin 1991: 111) In two months, not less than five young men in their early thirties [...] had been brought home in coffins [...] and their deaths are all connected with witchcraft. (CEC) There are already very strong feelings that witchcraft emanating not very far from his parents could be at the basis of the boy’s death. (Cameroon Tribune 1995: 1) In the same vein, the blocking of reproductive power is ascribed to the in- fluence of witchcraft, both in traditional and modern contexts: Ms. Tibu’s accusers, […] found her guilty of casting a spell on a local herb- alist and supernaturally causing him to be poor and impotent. (WCL) The ECOMOG Commander has warned that his forces will deal severely with any person who attacked or accused Nigerian soldiers of making their genitals disappear. Several ECOMOG soldiers have been severely beaten in Monrovia [...] following rumours that strange men from Nigeria were capa- ble of such witchcraft. (WCL) As is evident, the kinship model has a pronounced and omnipresent spiri- tual dimension. A person, in the course of his or her life, is not only thought of as gathering experience but also as increasingly acquiring magi- cal power and support. In other words, elders can be suspected of witch- craft, as the following example illustrates: Whenever a young child died shortly after the burial of an elder, peo- ple would say that it was that elder who was responsible; he wanted a hu- man pillow upon which to rest his head. Whenever a young child died when there was an ailing elder in the family, it was thought that he had sacrificed the young child so that he could remain alive. (Luangala 1991: 230) Yet normally the spiritual force of the elders is regarded as positive, i.e., as serving the good of the community. This understanding gives rise to no- tions like “sacred power” and “magical leadership” (see, e.g., Bernault n.d. online for discussion). These notions play a central role in establishing the legitimacy of modern African leaders. In communion with the related ele- ments of the kinship model (e.g. age), magic is used as an effective means of legitimating political power, and with numerous contemporary African politicians, we thus witness a strong recourse to occult practices and tradi- Fixed expressions as manifestations of cultural conceptualizations 407 tional symbolism. In particular, the occult is perceived as a major and effec- tive means of defending one’s power against opponents. The following examples demonstrate this BEING A LEADER IS HAVING OCCULT POWERS conceptualization: Sankoh [the leader of the RUF in the Sierra Leonean civil war] claims to vanish into the thin air, ability [sic] to transform himself into cat, dog mouse and whatever […] Sankoh has been able to exploit this against his drugged, gun-totting youthful followers who call him “Paa” (Father). (WCL) The less democratic and illegal an African regime is, the more it relies heavi- ly on jujumen and marabous to contain its insecurity. (WCL) Nigerian press reports reveal human sacrifices and other fearful juju / marabou rituals at Aso Rock [the seat of the Nigerian president] to ‘pro- tect’ Abacha from Nigerians crying for democracy and human rights. (WCL) Specifically, the abuse of political power and individual aspirations of lead- ers and politicians at the expense of the community are readily construed in terms of occult practices. This is an extension and transformation of a ma- jor aspect of traditional witchcraft, defined by van Binsbergen (2000 on- line) as “the celebration of individual desires and powers at the expense of one’s kin.” Van Binsbergen’s explication also accounts for a further important con- ceptual link, namely that of witchcraft and wealth. An individual’s material wealth, if not shared with the community, is often seen in the light of witch- craft, as an undue acquisition of something that belongs to the community. WITCHCRAFT IS A MEANS TO OBTAIN WEALTH is a concept that underlies the following examples: 9 an exorcist allegedly accused Adamou Bako, the affluent director of a local bus company, of enriching himself by means of witchcraft. (WCL, from Cameroon) Ritual killing is common in some parts of Nigeria, where some people be- lieve witchcraft involving the use of human parts can make them rich. (WCL) Belonging to a nyongo secret society that used human sacrifice to build its wealth. (Makuchi 1999: 125) Likewise, the exploitation of people, i.e., their being made use of as (la- bor) resources, is seen in the light of witchcraft (see, e.g., Austen 2001 on- line and van Binsbergen 2000 online on this issue). We find the conceptu- 408 Hans-Georg Wolf and Frank Polzenhagen alization EXPLOITATION IS WITCHCRAFT (or vice versa) expressed, for ex- ample, in And so the mind is lured to a witch growing rich from the work of zombies as the “living dead.” (WCL) Police in southern Tanzania have arrested a 90-year-old woman on suspi- cion she abducted an 11-year-old boy to turn him into a zombie-like slave through witchcraft, the regional police chief said today [...] Many people in the rich agricultural region believe that such zombies can be made to per- form menial farming chores late at night. (WCL) Just before you blink your eyes, you are being taking [sic] away from this world, in to [sic] the under world, so called Nyongo. Nyongo is some how [sic] a satanic owned business, where people are being sold in to, to work for others who are on earth. This is very common in the villages and among some big, responsible men around town [...] When some one sells the other Download 1.68 Mb. 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