Al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s Philosophical
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201. Ibn al-Jawzı¯, al-Muntaz.am , 9:87.7–8. 202. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Ih.ya¯ 7 , 1:10.17 / 2.15. 203. Ibid. 1:12.21–23 / 5.4–7. The division mirrors that between the practical sci- ences (ethics, etc.) and the theoretical sciences (mostly metaphysics) in philosophical literature; see Gil ¶adi, “On the Origin of Two Key-Terms in al-G . azza¯lı¯’s Ih.ya¯ 7 ¶ulu¯m al- dı¯n.” On the division, see also Lazarus-Yafeh, Studies , 357–66. 204. fi qh t.arı¯q al-a¯khira ; al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Ih.ya¯ 7 , 1:24.10 / 23.17; about what it entails, see ibid., 1:10.17–18 / 2.15–3.1. 205. Madelung, “Ar-Ra¯g . ib al-Is.faha¯nı¯ und die Ethik al-G . aza¯lı¯s”; Pines, “Quelques notes sur les rapports de l’ Ih.ya¯ 7 ¶ulu¯m al-dı¯n d’al-Ghaza¯lı¯ avec la pensée d’Ibn Sı¯na¯.” Abrahamov, “Ibn Sı¯na¯’s Infl uence on al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s Non-Philosophical Works,” 1–2, gives a report about the secondary literature on philosophical works that have been adapted in the Ih.ya¯ 7 . In his article he adds fi ndings from the works of Ibn Sı¯na¯. On the disputed question of when al-Ra¯ghib al-Is.faha¯nı¯ lived, see Everett K. Rowson in EI2 , 8:389b. 206. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-Munqidh , 38.20. 207. Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯. “Shawa¯hid al-jilla,” 311.5; Garden, Al-Ghaza¯lı¯ ’ s Contested Re-
208. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯ congratulates Mujı¯r al-Dı¯n (cf. n.133) for his nomination as Sanjar’s vizier in 490/1097. This letter mentions al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s “happy affection due to being close to the place of visitation.” That refers most probably to the pilgrimage site of Meshed in T.u¯s (al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz
certainly does not refer to Baghdad. 209. Zarrı¯nku ¯b, Fira¯r az madrasah , 109–55. 210. as.h.a¯b al-zawa¯ya¯ al-mutafarriqu¯na al-munfaridu¯na ; al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Ih.ya¯ 7 , 1:99.12– 13 / 120.1–2.
211. ¶
Abd al-Gha¯fi r (in al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:210.4–5) confi rms the existence of these institutions at the time when al-Ghaza¯lı¯ gave up teaching in Nishapur. Referring to the earlier period when al-Ghaza¯lı¯ was still teaching at Nishapur, however, the collector of the letters says that he had students in T.u¯s and stayed there in a kha¯nqa¯h (al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz . a¯ 7il al-ana¯m , 12.15). It is most likely that these institutions were founded when al- Ghaza¯lı¯ returned from Baghdad. 212. Makdisi, Rise of Colleges , 161. 213. Ibn al-Jawzı¯, al-Muntaz.am , 9:170.10–11. ¶Abd al-Gha¯fi r al-Fa¯risı¯ dates the crea- tion of the madrasa and kha¯nqa¯h after the end of al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s teaching at Nishapur (al- Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:210.4–5). The letters confi rm that they existed earlier. 214. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Fatra¯ dar ba¯ra-yi amva¯l-i kha¯nqa¯h , and idem, Fatwa¯ ¶Ala¯ man
215. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-Munqidh , 38.21–22. 216. ¶Abd al-Gha¯fi r al-Fa¯risı¯ as quoted by al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:207.2–3. Cf. al- S.arı¯fı¯nı¯, al-Muntakhab min al-Siya¯q , 84 = Frye, The Histories of Nishapur , text 3, fol. 20a.
217. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz . a¯ 7il al-ana¯m , 11.15–21; Krawulsky, Briefe und Reden , 77. 3 0 2
not e s to page s 4 8 – 5 1 218. In his Munqidh , 49.17–20, al-Ghaza¯lı¯ mentions the two events and says that the period of seclusion ( ¶uzla ) amounted to eleven years. The “twelve years” may be the result of a confusion with a period of that length mentioned in a different letter a few pages earlier in the collection Faz . a¯ 7il al-ana¯m , 5.2; Krawulsky, Briefe und Reden , 66. 219. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz . a¯ 7il al-ana¯m , 10.22. The kha¯nqa¯h is mentioned in another let- ter on p. 81.21 and in a comment by the collector on p. 12.15. 220. za¯wiya-ra¯ mula¯zamat kard , al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz
221. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz . a¯ 7il al-ana¯m , 45.10–17; Krawulsky, Briefe und Reden , 135–36. Cf. also Brown, “The Last Days of al-Ghazza¯lı¯,” 95, in which the context of the letter is misrepresented. 222. Al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:208.4– ult . 223. Al-Fad.l ibn Muh.ammad al-Fa¯ramadhı¯; al-S.arı¯fı¯nı¯, al-Muntakhab min al-
5:304–6; Halm, Ausbreitung , 94. Fa¯ramadh is one of the villages of T.u¯s. 224. futih.a ¶alayhi lawa¯mi ¶un min anwa¯ri l-musha¯hada ; al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t, 5:305. 12–13.
225. mada¯khil al-safsat.a ; al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-Munqidh , 12–14. 226. Al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:209.12–15. 227. A more accurate chronology may be given in a brief passage in al-Munqidh , 46.14–20, in which the list begins with falsafa , followed by Sufi sm and Isma¯ ¶ı¯lism. 228. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-Munqidh min al-d.ala¯l , 48–49. 229. Al-Sukbkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:207.7–11. In his autobiography, al-Ghaza¯lı¯ says that the sultan “issued a binding order to pounce to Nishapur” ( al-Munqidh , 49.2). 230. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz . a¯ 7il al-ana¯m , 10.10–12. 231. Ibid ., 3.9–11. 232. Muh.ammad ibn Abı¯ l-Faraj al-Ma¯zarı¯, who was known as “al-Dhakı¯” (“the clever one”); on him, see Charles Pellat in EI2, 6:943; Garden, Al-Ghaza¯lı¯ ’ s Contested Revival , 114–17; Krawulsky, Briefe und Reden , 15–16; Ibn al-Jawzı¯, al-Muntaz.am , 9:190; al-Dabba¯gh/al-Na¯jı¯, Ma ¶a¯lim al-ı¯ma¯n , 3:202–3. He should not be confused with his younger contemporary Abu ¯ ¶Abdalla¯h Muh.ammad ibn ¶Alı¯ al-Ma¯zarı¯ (d. 536/1141), who was surnamed “al-Ima¯m.” This latter al-Ma¯zarı¯ never left the Maghrib and was a much more respectable scholar than the former. (On him, see GAL, Suppl. 1:663; Charles Pel- lat in EI2, 6:943, and the sources listed there.) Both al-Ma¯zarı¯s were highly critical of al-Ghaza¯lı¯, and al-Ma¯zarı¯ al-Ima¯m wrote a critique of al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s Ih.ya¯ 7 with the title al-Kashf wa-l-inba¯ 7 ¶ala¯ l-mutarjam bi-l- Ih.ya¯ 7 . (For the identifi cation of the author, see al- Dhahabı¯, Siyar , 19:330, 340.) Passages from that book are preserved in al-Dhahabı¯, Siyar , 19:330–32, 340–42; al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:240–58; and Ibn Taymiyya, “Sharh. al- ¶aqı¯da al- is.faha¯niyya,” 116–19. See also the information on al-Ma¯zarı¯ al-Ima¯m’s book collected in al-Za¯bidı¯, Ith.a¯f al-sa¯da , 1:28–29; 179.21–24; 2:411.20–23; 9:442.17–27. The latter passages are translated by Asín Palacios, “Un faqîh siciliano, contradictor de Al G . azâlî,” 224–41. 233. Al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:207.5–6. 234. Ibid., 6:208.1–2. 235. Ibid., 6:209.14–15; reading tamarrus instead of na¯mu¯s . 236. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-Mankhu¯l, 613–18. 237. Al-Shushtarı¯ (d 1019/1610), Maja¯lis al-mu 7minı¯n , 2:191; Krawulsky, Briefe und
238. This request comes at the end of the conversation with Sanjar, Faz . a¯ 7il al- ana¯m , 10.21–22; Krawulsky, Briefe und Reden , 75. 239. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz . a¯ 7il al-ana¯m , 10. peanult . 240. Ibid., 11.3–4.
not e s to page s 5 1 – 5 5 3 0 3 241. Ibid., 11.10. 242. In Turu ¯q, south of T.u¯s, on the road to Nishapur; see Krawulsky, Briefe und
243. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz . a¯ 7il al-ana¯m , 5. peanult .; Krawulsky, Briefe und Reden , 67–68. 244. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz . a¯ 7il al-ana¯m , 54–55, Krawulsky, Briefe und Reden , 152. This is not the letter to Mujı¯r al-Dawla that establishes al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s arrival in T.u¯s as 490/1097. On the dating of this letter, see Krawulsky, Briefe und Reden , 32–33. I am grateful to Ken- neth Garden who pointed me to this letter and its content. 245. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz
246. Al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:210.4–5. Cf. Ibn al-Jawzı¯, al-Muntaz.am , 9:170.9–10; Ya¯qu ¯t, Mu ¶jam al-bulda¯n , 3:561.7–8. 247. Al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:210.14–15. 248. See Badawı¯, Mu 7allafa¯t , 112–14; and al-H . adda¯d, Takhrı¯j ah.a¯dı¯th Ih.ya¯ 7 ¶ulu¯m al-
249. ana¯ muzja¯ l-bid.a¯ ¶a f ı¯ l-h.adı¯th ; al-Wa¯sit.ı¯ in his tarjama edited in al-A ¶sam, al- Faylasu¯f al-Ghaza¯lı¯, 179.2. T.a¯libı¯, Ara¯ 7 Abı¯ Bakr ibn al- ¶Arabı¯ l-kala¯miyya , 1:56, claims he admitted this to his student Abu ¯ Bakr ibn al- ¶Arabi (who preserved the quote). T.a¯libı¯’s reference, however, cannot be verifi ed. 250. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Ih.ya¯ 7 , 1:110.6–111.2 / 134.1–135.5. 251. Al-Ans.a¯rı¯, al-Ghunya¯ fi -l-kala¯m and idem, Sharh. al-Irsha¯d . 252. On this institution, see Bulliet, Patricians of Nishapur , 124, 230, 251. 253. Kasa¯ 7ı¯, Mada¯ris-i Niz.a¯miyyah , 99, lists Abu¯ l-Qa¯sim Salma¯n ibn Na¯s.ir al-Ans.a¯rı¯ as a teacher at the Niz.a¯miyya in Nishapur right after al-Ghaza¯lı¯. His biographers are silent about whether he held an offi ce there; see ¶Abd al-Gha¯fi r al-Fa¯risı¯, al-Siya¯q , in Frye, The Histories of Nishapur , text 2, fol. 29b–30a; Ibn ¶Asa¯kir, Tabyı¯n kadhib al-muftarı¯ , 307; al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 7:96–99. 254. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-Munqidh , 48–49. ¶Abd al-Gha¯fi r al-Fa¯risı¯ devotes a long and eloquent passage to these events that deserves to be closely analyzed. Cf. al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:207.5–208.3 and 210–11. 255. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz . a¯ 7il al-ana¯m , 37–45. Al-Kiya¯ 7 al-Harra¯sı¯ died on 1 Muh.arram 504 / 20 July 1110. On him, see EI2 , 5:234 (George Makdisi); Brockelmann, GAL , 1:390; Suppl. 1:674; Makdisi, Ibn ¶Aq
al-Siya¯q , in Frye, Histories of Nishapur , text 2, fol. 72a; Ibn ¶Asa¯kir, Tabyı¯n , 288–89; Ibn Khallika¯n, Wafaya¯t , 3:286–90; al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 7:231–34; Halm, Die Ausbreitung , index.
256. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz . a¯ 7il al-ana¯m , 42–45. The original letter was probably written in Arabic. For a fragment of the Arabic version, see MS Berlin, Petermann II 8, p. 126 (Ahlwardt 10070.2). Cf. also Krawulsky , Briefe und Reden , 11, 30–31; and Fritz Meier in ZDMG 93 (1939): 406–7. 257. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz
258. Al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:201.8–12. 259. Al-Abı¯wardı¯, Dı¯wa¯n , 2:140. 260. Accoding to ¶Abd al-Gha¯fi r al-Fa¯risı¯, see al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:211.3. See also Ya¯qu ¯t, Mu ¶jam al-bulda¯n , 3:561.9–10. 261. In 1915, Diez, Die Kunst der islamischen Völker , 82, published a description and the reproduction of a water painting by the Armenian-Iranian artist André Sevru- guin ( also: Sevrugian, 1894–1996) of the ruins of a large mausoleum in T.u¯s that Diez claimed is the mausoleum of al-Ghaza¯lı¯. This picture depicts a mausoleum in the midst of T.a¯bara¯n’s ruins, which is known as the Ha¯ru¯niyya . For a recent picture of the recon- structed building, see Elton L. Daniel’s preface to Field’s translation of The Alchemy of 3 0 4 not e s to page s 5 5 – 5 9 Happiness , xl. Local usage mistakenly regards it as the tomb of Ha¯ru¯n al-Rashı¯d, who is, however, buried at the site of ¶Alı¯ al-Rid.a¯ in Meshed. There is also a second mausoleum within the former city walls of T.a¯bara¯n, which is the one of Firdawsı¯ (d. 411/1020). Niz.a¯mı¯ ¶Aru
¯d.ı¯, Chaha¯r Maqa¯la , 51, says that Firdawsı¯ was buried in T.a¯bara¯n “outside the gates in a garden.” What is today known as Firdawsı¯’s tomb (which is distinct from the Ha¯ru¯niyya ) has been lavishly rebuilt in a monumental and modern style during the Pahlevi period. On the various monuments in the vicinity of Meshed, see also Hakami, Pèlerinage de l ’ Emâm Rezâ , 64ff. In 1918, Donaldson, “A Visit to the Grave of al- Ghazzali,” reports he found a tombstone in the ruins of T.u¯s that bore al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s name and had been reused in 1007/1598–99 to mark another grave. 262. Al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:211.5; al-Zabı¯dı¯, Ith.a¯f al-sa¯da¯ , 1:11.17. The kunya “Abu¯ H . a¯mid” need not mean (as Smith, Al-Ghaza¯lı¯ the Mystic , 57, assumes) that he had a son by the name of H . a¯mid. 263. MS Yale University, Beinecke Memorial Library, Landberg 318, fol. 230a. The ija¯za is issued by “Muh.ammad ibn Muh.ammad ibn Muh.ammad al-Ghaza¯lı¯ l-T.u¯sı¯” at some time after the manuscript was copied in 507/1113. Cf. Nemoy, Arabic Manuscripts
264. In a very brief note in al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Faz . a¯ 7il al-ana¯m , 2.9–10; Krawulsky, Briefe und Reden , 62. On other scholars with the name al-Ghaza¯lı¯ from this period, who were not related to the famous theologian, see Macdonald, “The Name al-Ghazza¯lı¯”, 21–22; and al-Zabı¯dı¯, Ith.a¯f al-sa¯da , 1:19. 265. Al-Fayyu ¯mı¯, Mis.ba¯h al-munı¯r f ı¯ gharı¯b al-Sharh. al-kabı¯r , 447 ( sub gh-z-l). The work is a dictionary of diffi cult words that appear in ¶Abd al-Karı¯m al-Ra¯fi ¶ı¯’s (d. 623 /1226) commentary to al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s al-Wajı¯z . The history of the Shirwa¯nsha¯h’s is not well known, and their list of kings has lots of lacunae. Cf. Minorsky, A History of Sharva¯n and Darband , 135; and C. E. Bosworth in EI2 , 11:488–89. 266. Griffel, “On Fakhr al-Dı¯n al-Ra¯zı¯’s Life and the Patronage He Received,” 339. 267. Ibn al- ¶Ima¯d, Shajara¯t al-dhahab , 7:196. The full name of this scholar and the dearth of information about his background give the impression that this person only pretended to be a decendent of al-Ghaza¯lı¯. If true, his geneology would imply that al- Ghaza¯lı¯ had both a son and a grandson by the name of Muh.ammad. 268. Al-Zabı¯dı¯, al-Mu ¶jam al-mukhtas.s. , 136; I am grateful to Stefan Reichmuth who pointed me to this reference. chapter 2
1. Laoust, “La survie de G . aza¯lı¯ d’après Subkı¯.” See also the list of al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s students in al-Zabı¯dı¯, Ith.a¯f al-sa¯da , 1:44–45.
2. Al-Mas ¶ u ¯dı¯, al-Shuku¯k wa-l-shubah ¶ala¯ l-Isha¯ra¯t . On Sharaf al-Dı¯n Muh.ammad ibn Mas ¶u ¯d al-Mas ¶u¯dı¯ and his works, see GAL, 1:474 no. 11 (only in the fi rst edition of 1898); and Shihadeh, “From al-Ghaza¯lı¯ to al-Ra¯zı¯: 6th/12th Century Developments in Muslim Philosophical Theology,” 153–56.
3. Ibn Ghayla¯n al-Balkhı¯, H . udu¯th al- ¶a¯lam , 11.18–19. 4. For an overview of Abu ¯ l-Futu¯h. al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s (d. 517/1123 or 520/1126–27) life and his scholarly œuvre, including the most important secondary literature, see the article by Nasrollah Pourjavadi in EIran , 10:377–80. On Ah.mad’s life, see Ah.mad Muja¯hid’s introduction to Abu ¯ l-Futu¯h. al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Majmu¯ ¶ah-yi a¯s-a¯r-i Fa¯risı¯ ; Richard Gramlich’s introduction to Abu ¯ l-Futu¯h. al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Der reine Gottesglaube , 1–7; Lum- bard, Ah.mad al-Ghaza¯lı¯ (d. 517/1123 or 520/1127) and the Metaphysics of Love , 20–128;
not e s to page s 5 9 – 6 2 3 0 5 Ibn al-Jawzı¯, al-Muntaz.am , 9:260–62; al-Subkı¯, T.abaqa¯t , 6:60–62; and Ibn Khallika¯n, Wafaya¯t al-a ¶ya¯n , 1:97–98.
5. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Risa¯la ila¯ Abu¯ l-Fath. al-Damı¯mı¯ , 27.10–11; MS Berlin, Petermann II 8, p. 121: “As for preaching, I don’t see myself as one of its people because preaching is a (voluntary) alms-tax ( zaka¯t ) levied on the property ( nis.a¯b ) of [conducting a pious life] due to other people’s preaching ( itti ¶a¯z. ), and how can someone who does not have this property pay the tax?”
6. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Ih.ya¯ 7 , 1:24.1–4 / 23.6–9. 7. At the beginning of al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-Luba¯b min al-Ihya¯ 7 , 2.11–14 (1978 edition: 25.5–6), it says: “It had occurred to me during one of my journeys that I extract from my book The Revival of the Religious Sciences its kernels.” These words are a clear refer- ence to Muh.ammad as its author, and he is identifi ed as such in the title. In fact, none of the MSS I saw ascribes the book to Ah.mad. MS Berlin, Wetzstein 99 (Ahlwardt no. 1708), and MSS Princeton, Yahuda 838 and 3717 (Mach no. 2164), attribute the text to Muh.ammad. The text of al-Luba¯b min al-Ihya¯ 7 appears to be identical to the one in al-Murshid al-amı¯n ila¯ maw ¶iz.at al-mu 7minı¯n min Ih.ya¯ 7 ¶ulu¯m al-dı¯n , a book ascribed to Muh.ammad al-Ghaza¯lı¯. Brockelmann’s identifi cation of Ah.mad as the Luba¯b ’s au- thor ( GAL , 1:422; Suppl . 1:748) follows Ahlwardt, Handschriften-Verzeichnisse , 2:313, and seems to be based entirely on H . a¯jjı¯ Khalı¯fa, Kashf al-z.unu¯n , 1:182–83. On the text, see also Bouyges, Essay de chronologie , 135–36; Badawı¯, Mu 7allafa¯t , 114; and Lumbard, Ah.mad
title Lubb al- Ih.ya¯ 7 that was authored by neither Ah.mad nor Muh.ammad. For this text, see MS Yale University, Beinecke Library, Salisbury 38, foll. 1–45b (Nemoy 797), and MS Berlin, Wetzstein II 1807, foll. 120–46b. (Ahlwardt 1707).
8. Abu
¯ l-Futu¯h. al-Ghaza¯lı¯, al-Tajrı¯d f ı¯ kalimat al-tawh.ı¯d . 9. One of Ah.mad al-Ghaza¯lı¯’s best-known Persian works, the Ra¯z-na¯mah or Risa¯lah-yi ¶Ayniyyah, is believed to be originally a letter to ¶Ayn al-Qud.a¯t al-H.amadha¯nı¯. The text is in Majmu¯ ¶ah-yi a¯s-a¯r-i fa¯risı¯-yi Ah.mad Ghazza¯lı¯ , 175–214. 10. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Ih.ya¯ 7 , 1:53.18–19 / 60.19–20. 11. Richard Gramlich in the introduction to Abu ¯ l-Futu¯h. al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Gedanken über
12. The Almoravids conquered the T.a¯ 7ifa kingdoms in al-Andalus between 445/1053 and 487/1094. 13. ¶Abba¯s, “al-Ja¯nib al-siya¯sı¯,” 218–19; idem, “Rih.lat Ibn al ¶Arabı¯,” 61. 14. ¶Abba¯s, “al-Ja¯nib al-siya¯sı¯,” 221. 15. A detailed narrative of Abu ¯ Bakr ibn al- ¶Arabı¯ 7s life and his travels is given by T.a¯libı¯, Ara¯ 7 Abı¯ Bakr ibn al- ¶Arabı¯ , 1:25–64. 16. Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯, Qa¯nu¯n al-ta 7wı¯l , 92. Fierro, in the preface to her Spanish transla- tion of al-T.urt.u¯shı¯’s Kita¯b al-H.awa¯dith wa-l-bida ¶ , 40, reports that the meeting between the two took place in 486/1093, that is, soon after the arrival of the Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯s in Jerusalem. Abu ¯ Bakr studied with al-T.urt.u¯shı¯ his Mukhtas.ar of al-Tha ¶labı¯’s (d. 427/1035) Qur 7a¯n commentary during Ramad.a¯n 487 / September–October 1094 in the al-Aqs.a¯ Mosque of Jerusalem (Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯, Qa¯nu¯n al-ta 7wı¯l , 61; and T.a¯libı¯, Ara¯ 7 Abı¯ Bakr ibn
17. Kita¯b Tartı¯b al-rih.la li-l-targhı¯b f ı¯ l-milla ; Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯, Shawa¯hid al-jilla , 278.3; ¶Abba¯s, “al-Ja¯nib al-siya¯sı¯,” 217. 18. Ibn S.a¯h.ib al-S.ala¯t quotes from this book in his Ta 7rı¯kh al-mann bi-l-ima¯ma , 258– 59; and Ibn al- ¶Arabı¯ mentions it in its short title in al- ¶Awa¯s.im min al-qawa¯s.im , 24.8. Download 4.03 Mb. Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: 
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