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- Mykola Horbal Sentenced to 11 Years
- Maria and Olha Terelya — daughter and wife of Josyp Terelya, founder of the “Initiative Group to Defend the Rights of
- Now it’s the Ukrainians abusing diGenova
- ‘Pay any price’
- Ghosts Stalk Lost Baltic Republics
- Soviet Journal on Religious Dissent May Embarrass Kremlin
70 Vasyl Dolishnyi Re-Arrested Information has recently reached the West that Vasyl Dolishnyi, a member of the Organisation of Ukrainian National ists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) and former Ukrainian po litical prisoner, was re-arrested in Ivano- Frankivsk late last year. Previously the exact charges were un known and it was suspected that he might have been charged under one of the “parasitism” statutes, which make it a crime to be unemployed for more than 4 consecutive months. This charge is usually applied to former Ukrainian po litical prisoners, who, after serving their terms have a difficult time finding em ployment. Now it has been confirmed that Vasyl Dolishnyi was convicted of “parasitism” and sentenced to 3 years of strict regime imprisonment in a labour camp accord ing to Art. 214 of the Criminal Code of the Ukrainian SSR (systematic vagrancy and pauperism). It is known that Do lishnyi, a petroleum engineer, has been unable to find steady employment since December, 1981. VASYL DOLISHNYI Vasyl Dolishnyi was born in 1930 in the Ivano-Frankivsk region. He is a petroleum engineer by profession. He was arrested for the first time in fend the Rights of Believers and the Church. However, due to his poor state of health, Terelya had to hand over his post to Wasyl Kobryn. Josyp Terelya’s wife, Olha Tymofiyiv- na, is a doctor. She lives with their daughter in the village of Dovhe in the Transcarpathian region. Josyp Terelya is suffering from the ef fects of a broken spine, an ailing heart and kidney failure. 1947. Convicted of treason, he was sen tenced to 10 years of imprisonment for membership of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), ac cording to Art. 56 of the Criminal Code of the Ukrainian SSR. He was amnestied in 1954. Returning to Ukraine, he studied engineering in Ivano-Frankivsk, not far from his native village of Pidluzhzhia. On 1. 2. 1971, he was arrested again. He was sentenced to 7 years of con centration camps and 3 years internal exile according to Art. 62 of the Criminal Code of the Ukrainian SSR for participa tion in the Ukrainian liberation move ment immediately after the Second World War. He served his full term. Since December, 1981, Dolishnyi has been unable to find work and was ar rested for the third time late in 1984 accused of “parasitism” for which he was sentenced to 3 years of strict regime imprisonment in a labour camp. Mykola Horbal Sentenced to 11 Years Last month Mykola Horbal, a Ukrain ian national and human rights activist, was sentenced to 8 years of camps and 3 years of exile on charges of “anti-Soviet agitation and propaganda”, according to Art. 62-2 of the Criminal Code of the Ukrainian SSR (analogous to Art. 70-2 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR). His trial was held in Mykolayiv, on April 8-10, 1985. Mykola Horbal was accused of writing “anti-Soviet” songs (out of 87 manu scripts of songs confiscated from M. Hor bal in 1979 during a search connected with the arrest of Yuriy Badzio, 45 were considered to be “anti-Soviet”). Witnesses stated that Mykola Horbal also put into practice what he had written in his 71 songs. In addition, he was accused of writing poetry and the authorship of an article entitled “The Right to Defend Oneself”, an analysis of the materials of a previous fabricated legal case, which had been brought against him. M. Horbal pleaded not guilty. How ever, he was deemed to be an especially dangerous recidivist and designated to serve his new sentence in a strict regime labour camp. MYKOLA HORBAL Mykola Horbal was born on 10. 9. 1941. He is a poet. In 1970, he was arrested for the first time and sentenced to 7 years for “anti- Soviet agitation and propaganda”. After his release from a labour camp in 1978, Horbal was unable to find work as a teacher or composer and was forced to take a job as an electrician in Kyiv. There he took up residence with his wife and small child. In 1979, after numerous attempts to gain permission to emigrate from the So viet Union, Horbal joined the Ukrainian Helsinki Monitoring Group. Shortly thereafter, dissident sources said, the KGB staged a bizarre street scene during which Horbal was attacked and beaten after turning down the sexual ad vances of a woman who worked as a secretary at the Kyiv office of the Kom somol, the Communist Youth League. Im mediately after the incident began, a po lice car pulled up and Horbal was taken to the police station, where he was ac cused of attempted rape. Found guilty, he was sentenced on January 21st, 1980, to five years in a labour camp, where he experienced brutal treatment. In a statement that reached the West in September, 1981, he said that he had never before experienced such suf fering. He said there were times when suicide seemed like the only salvation. He was arrested for the third time and sentenced to eight years in a labour camp and three years of exile, in April, 1985, charged with “anti-Soviet agitation and propaganda”. He is presently serving his sentence in a strict-regime labour camp. Maria and Olha Terelya — daughter and wife of Josyp Terelya, founder of the “Initiative Group to Defend the Rights of Believers and the Church in Ukraine.” 72 e w s a n d V i e w s W arren S tr o b e l Now it’s the Ukrainians abusing diGenova Charges of selective prosecution yester day again were leveled against U.S. Attorney Joseph diGenova after it be came evident that his office will prose cute 10 Ukrainian-Americans arrested Friday during a protest at the Soviet Em bassy. The U.S. Attorney’s Office also is pros ecuting a Kampuchean woman arrested Jan. 28 outside the embassy, but has de clined to prosecute the more than 1,700 protesters arrested in front of the South African Embassy. All three groups have broken the same District law — congregating within 500 feet of an embassy. “We just think it’s unjust that the U.S. attorney is giving favoritism to more popular (causes)... to the South African protesters,” said Myron Wasylyk, director of the Ukrainian National Information Service. “The Cambodian woman and now 10 Ukrainians,” said David Scott, legislative aide to Trans-Africa, which organizes the South African Embassy protests. “It be comes more clear with each of these in cidents that the administration views these issues differently and the Justice Department, under the leadership of Mr. diGenova, does not apply justice equally under the law.” “Those cases are in litigation and we won’t comment on that,” said Tim J. Reardon, principal assistant to Mr. di Genova. The office has continually re fused comment on the cases. The Ukrainian group’s lawyer, J. An drew Chopivsky, also was counsel to the anti-abortion activists who were arrested and prosecuted under a different statute after they prayed on the Supreme Court steps in January. “It’s different from the Supreme Court,” M. Chopivsky said: “Here you’ve got the same statute. Now we’re getting into se lective prosecution.” The 10 Ukrainian-Americans arrested Friday afternoon were among a group of 350 protesting Soviet treatment of Ukrain ian dissident Yurij Shukhevych, who is exiled in Siberia, Mr. Wasylyk said. The seven women and three men were taken to the Second District police sta tion, where protesters arrested in the continuing demonstrations at the South African Embassy also were being pro cessed, Mr. Wasylyk said. “The South Africans (protesters) were there for 10 minutes. We were there for eight hours,” he said. “Basically, they were saying the paperwork was already done for the South Africans.” “I don’t think any of our civil diso- beyers were held for 10 minutes,” Mr. Scott said. “Clearly the police are accus tomed to processing the South African Embassy protesters.” Assistant Police Chief for Operations Isaac Fulwood could not be reached for comment, but a police spokesman con firmed that the 10 were sent to Police Headquarters after their stay at the Sec ond District. Although the demonstration began at noon, the protesters posted $50 bond each between 7:30 p.m. and 9:30 p.m., accord ing to Mr. Chopivsky. "Some of the girls were strip-searched,” Mr. Chopivsky said. “I wonder if they do that to the South African Embassy protesters?” 73 B o h d a n F a r y m a Ukrainians Demand Freedom for Dissident Washington, March 31 — The Ameri- can-Ukrainian community this year is staging a series of activities nationwide protesting the imprisonment in a Soviet labor camp of Helsinki Group Monitor Yurij Shukhevych. Shukhevych, 51, has spent a total of 35 years in Soviet prison camps, is blind and is presently believed to be near death. The protesters are demanding that he be allowed to emigrate with his family to the United States. Alarmed by an increasing repression of human rights in Ukraine, American- Ukrainians are organizing demonstrations, hunger strikes and other activities to draw attention to Shukhevych’s cause. To date, protests have taken place in New York, Cleveland, and Detroit. On Friday, 300 demonstrators gathered in Lafayette Park, Washington D.C. “Just 2 months ago, the President per sonally affirmed his support for the cause of Yurij Shukhevych in a telegram to the Ukrainian Students Association, stating that the valor, dignity and dedication Ukrainian prisoners have displayed in the pursuit of freedom — prisoners such as Yurij Shukhevych — reaffirm our con fidence in the ultimate triumph of the free human spirit over tyranny,” said Linas Kojelis, at the Washington protest. Paul Kamenar, a lawyer for the Kam puchean woman, has subpoenaed Mr. di- Genova to explain the disparities in prose cution, in an attempt to get the charges against her dropped. Mr. Chopivsky said he will use the same tactics in his defense of the Ukrain- ian-Americans. T h e W ash in g to n T im es T u e s d a y , A p r il 2 , 1985 Kojelis is White House associate director for public liaison. ‘Pay any price’ “Twenty-five years ago, a young, bril liant leader of the Democratic Party de clared that we will pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe in order to as sure the survival and success of liberty,” said Paul Kirk, chairman of the National Democratic Party, in a statement. “We are proud to express our concern and our indignation over the treatment of those like Yurij Shukhevych in Ukraine and around the world.” Also Friday, the pupils of the Imma culate Conception Ukrainian Catholic High School in Hamtramck, Mich., held a 24-hour hunger strike in support of the Washington rally. Last year, the State Department re ported that four members of the Ukrain ian Helsinki Accord Monitoring Group have died as a result of Soviet labor camp conditions — Oleksa Tykhy, Valery Mar chenko, Oleksij Nikitin and Yurij Lytvyn. The watchdog group was formed ac cording to the provisions of the 1975 Helsinki Accords by which the Soviet Union agreed to observe basic standards of human rights. Shukhevych was first imprisoned in 1948 at the age of 14 after refusing to denounce his father, Roman Shukhevych, commander of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. The army had fought both Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia. He has since been rearrested twice. According to the Ukrainian Students As sociation, Shukhevych’s blindness resulted from experimental surgery performed in a psychiatric hospital in 1982. N e w Y o r k C ity T rib u n e M o n d a y , A p r il 1, 1985 74 Soviet Diplomat Killed Two men on a motorcycle roared up beside a Soviet diplomat’s car in New Delhi yesterday and pumped several shots through the right rear window, kil ling him instantly, Indian police reported. Police identified the diplomat as V. Khitzichenko, 48, a senior engineer in his embassy’s economic affairs department. Police are searching for another Soviet diplomat, Igor Gezha, 37, who disap peared Sunday while jogging in a New Delhi park. A man who refused to give his name telephoned The Associated Press office in New York to claim the assassination on behalf of a group called the Ukrainian Reaction Forces. The caller demanded “the evacuation of all Soviet occupation forces from our homeland in Ukraine.” N e w Y o r k N e w s d a y F r i., M arch 2 2 , 1985 M a r k F r a n k la n d Ghosts Stalk Lost Baltic Republics The Soviet Baltic is a haunted place. Three little countries — Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania — have had too much history, usually wished on them by greater neighbours, but miraculously have sur vived. How they develop will be an im portant key to the enigma of the Soviet future. The ghosts demand that respect first be paid to them. The Gothic churches of Riga and Estonia’s capital, Tallinn, speak of the pre-Hitler Germans who brought trade and diligent habits and the knack of making good breakfast coffee. In Lithuanian Vilnius the memory of a vanished Polish gentry lives in baroque churches of almost southern sensuousness. The ghosts of tsars are here, too, in the clumsy Orthodox churches they built to outdo the Catholic and Lutheran cathe drals and draw the Baltic peoples towards Russian righteousness. Less palpable are the ghosts of the in dependent Baltic republics, those peasant countries newly born after the First World War and for which history con trived such a brief and bitter part. Soviet historians today write little good about them but the Latvian foreign ministry still keeps a copy of Riga’s 1938 diplo matic list naming 30 consulates-general accredited to the little republic: at No. 9 Raina Boulevard, Great Britain, under H. A. Hobson, MBE, and Mme Hobson. The most recent ghosts cry out the most loudly. Catherine the Great, considering the Baltic lands her empire acquired in the eighteenth century, proposed that they be Russianised ‘in the gentlest manner.’ They met no gentleness in the twentieth century. They were annexed by Stalin after the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, invaded by Hitler in 1941 and recaptured by the Red Army in 1944. Each movement of this cruel tide brought its fight into foreign exile, its mass executions and imprison ment. Small wonder that Latvia’s popula tion today — two and a half million — is little more than it was 60 years ago. Much was destroyed never to return, including the great Jewish communities of Vilnius and Riga, but the stubborn peas ants of the Baltic endured. An unusual Pole who admired the resilience of Lith uanians through centuries of colonisation, including Poland’s, once called them ‘the Redskins of Europe.’ Today, after 40 years of Soviet rule, the Baltic nations might be called Europe’s guerrillas in the Soviet empire, not because they actively oppose Moscow’s rule (only a minority of nationalists do that) but be cause so much of their life is still fed from old European roots that Russia never knew. It is obvious in a big fishing co-operative near Tallinn where profits have been used to build flats, schools and a hospital, you 75 might come across in neighbouring Fin land, but never in Russia. Resentment Latvian farmers offer beer brewed in their own brewery that a German might take his cap off to. In Vilnius, planners are wrestling with how to build a modern City of humane proportions — no Slav gigantomania for them — with standardised Soviet building materials. There is both danger and opportunity here for Moscow. The danger is that the Baltic peoples will nurture their sense of apartness and their resentment of Russians who, since the war, have flooded into the cities of Estonia and Latvia. One in three people in Estonia is Slav. The Lat vians are only just a majority in their own country. Latvians readily admit their country men’s unhappiness about this. The mood seems rougher in Estonia. A young factory worker, asked about his Slav neighbours in Tallinn, said ‘Russia is like a big sea, all the rubbish gets washed up on the shore.’ He drank his beer and shrugged. He was, after all, a realist. ‘Politics isn’t for us.’ Even in Lithuania, where the Catholic Church claims a following of two million in a population of three and a half and churchgoers match Poles in their de voutness, Soviet control isn’t in question. Apart from the KGB and the Army there are the Baltic Communist Parties with their Russified leaderships and dispropor tionately high Slav memberships. Moscow’s opportunity is to use this European edge of the empire as a conta gious example of efficiency, orderliness and attention to detail — qualities that have quite suddenly been perceived as vital for Soviet development but which Russians, happier with the grand, careless gesture, have seldom found interesting to practice. The most casual visitor feels their existence in the Baltic and statistics prove him right. Baltic farmers, for example, are several times more efficient than Slavs just next door. Any Soviet shopper will tell you that Baltic consumer goods are higher than average quality. The Soviet Government has tried to exploit Baltic qualities, authorising a num ber of social and economic experiments. But if doubt remains about the possibility of transplanting Baltic virtues, the new economic situation may help indirectly to calm Baltic fears about drowning in a Russian sea. Labour is in short supply throughout the Soviet Union and the Baltic States are today looking for higher productivity, not more workers. The authorities in Riga have taken measures to make immigration into their city as difficult as they know how. The modernisation of the Soviet eco nomy, it seems, is already coming to the rescue of the enduring ‘Redskins’ of Europe. T h e O b se rv e r, S u n d a y , 3 F e b ru a ry 1 9 8 5 G e o rg e Z a r y c k y Soviet Journal on Religious Dissent May Embarrass Kremlin A Soviet samizdat (underground) jour nal on religious dissent in Western Ukraine that has recently reached the West could prove to be a source of considerable em barrassment to the Kremlin. Ironically, it could also be a nettlesome factor in the Vatican’s strategy regarding the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The journal, called the Chronicle of the Catholic Church in Ukraine, focuses mainly on the plight of the outlawed Ukrainian Catholic (Uniate) Church in Western Ukraine. 76 The Ukrainian Catholic Church was in corporated into the Russian Orthodox Church by an unsanctioned synod of 1946 in an effort to quell nationalist sentiments in Ukraine. At the time, virtually the entire hierarchy and clergy of the church was arrested and subsequently killed by the Soviets. The church, with an estimated 5 million adherents, functions underground today, with bishops and priests conse crated clandestinely. The appearance of the Chronicle, eight issues of which have been smuggled out of the USSR, offers disquieting proof to the Soviets that four decades of vigorous persecution, coupled with the efforts of an elaborate atheist propaganda appa ratus, have failed to quash the church or dampen the faith of its followers. The tales of arrests, trials, and acts of civil disobedience outlined in the journal strongly suggest a marked resurgence of the church, particularly in the rural and rugged Transcarpathian region bordering Czecho-Slovakia, Hungary and Poland. Paradoxically, the widespread renais sance of the church, which signed a union with Rome in 1596, may prove somewhat awkward for Pope John Paul II. He is an avowed champion of Roman Catho licism in the Eastern bloc and the man most responsible for emboldening Ukrain ian Catholics and other persecuted Chris tians in Eastern Europe to profess their faith openly. For decades the Vatican has had to play a delicate balancing act with Mos cow, virtually writing off the Uniate Church in Ukraine in order to secure safeguards for Latin-rite Catholics in Lithuania and Poland. (The Ukrainian Catholic Church, technically part of the Roman Catholic Church, follows the Eastern rites). The appearance of the Chronicle, and the resilience of the Ukrainian Catholic Church it represents, might force the Vatican to re-evaluate this strategy. The journal itself consists primarily of documenting repression against Uniate activists in Western Ukraine. First pub lished in January 1984, it was set up in 1982 by former political prisoner Yosyp Terelya to work for the legalization of the Ukrainian Catholic Church and to pub licize the plight of its members. The monthly issues have also included details on the persecution of Baptists, Je hovah’s Witnesses, Pentecostals, and other Protestant denominations, as well as re ports on activities by the KGB (the Soviet secret police), incidents of armed resistance and sabotage, the number of men from Transcarpathia killed in Afghanistan, and the arrest of several Ukrainian Red Army officers for allegedly plotting to assas sinate the late Soviet defense minister, Dmitri Ustinov. Perhaps the most poignant accounts are those describing individual cases of per secution and suffering. There is the case of a man in the village of Dovhe who was arrested in January 1984, severely beaten, and sentenced to two years in a labor camp for taking part in a traditional Christmas play. In another incident, young carolers in the small village of Lisichevo were attacked and beaten by militiamen. The Chronicle details worsening condi tions in psychiatric hospitals and labor camps, where men and women sentenced for religious activities are regularly placed in solitary confinement or tortured to get them to renounce their faith. One labor camp, VL 315/30 in Lviv, is reportedly located on the site of a former Nazi concentration camp where 70,000 Jews and 42,000 Ukrainians, Rus sians, Frenchmen, Belgians, and Gypsies were murdered. Today, the camp houses 300 Catholics, 29 Baptists, two Pente costals, 15 Jehovah’s Witnesses, five Seventh Day Adventists, and 39 Orthodox believers, according to the Chronicle. The Chronicle also reports that some Download Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: |
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