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77 900 Ukrainian Catholics either burned or surrendered their internal passports to protest the persecution of Christianity by the Soviet government. Mr. Terelya is quoted as saying that he expected some 3,000 others to follow suit. In another action, 59 men from Transcarpathia, 18 of them Jehovah’s Witnesses, were re cently convicted for refusing, on religious grounds, to serve in the military. Despite a concerted effort by Soviet authorities to eradicate the Uniates, the Chronicle provides evidence of continued vitality. It notes that from early 1981 to the beginning of last year, some 81 priests were secretly ordained in the Transcar- pathian region alone, and that young children in the area receive a Christian education at an underground monastery. The Chronicle appears at a time when the human rights movement that gained momentum in the 1970s has been all but muted by arrests, deportations, and the exiling of dissidents to the far reaches of the country. Moreover, the apparent revitalization of the Uniate Church in Western Ukraine, historically a region of strong Ukrainian nationalism and deep-rooted anti-Soviet sentiment, must be disconcerting to the Soviets, because of the area’s proximity to Poland. The Chronicle contains a letter from Terelya to Lech Walesa, leader of the banned Polish trade union Solidarity, in which he says that the struggle of the Polish nation for freedom “is the hope which gives us strength for resistance.” The Ukrainian Catholic Church is legal in Poland, where there is a large Ukrain ian minority. Any links between Ukrain ian activists and their counterparts in Poland would surely make the Kremlin uneasy. According to Keston College in London, which monitors religious activity in the communist world, some 50 percent of the members of unregistered Protestant churches in the Soviet Union live in Ukraine, where they have been active despite official harassment. Moscow has been trying to improve its image in the West, particularly as arms negotiations get under way. An under ground journal depicting the brutal perse cution of Christians will do little to en hance the nation’s human rights record. It seems likely that information provided by the Chronicle will be cited by the United States and its NATO allies at a meeting on human rights scheduled for this May in Ottawa. T h e C h ristia n S c ien ce M o n ito r W ed n e sd ay , M arch 6, 1985 KGB Crackdown in Ukraine Signs of widespread opposition and repression in Ukraine have been disclosed in a Soviet samizdat, or underground journal that has reached the West. It also reports a high casualty rate among Ukrainian soldiers serving in Afghanistan. The journal is published by an “initia tive group” formed in September 1982, to campaign for the legalisation of the Ukrainian Catholic Church, whose mem bers are known as Uniates. Outlawed in 1946 and forcibly incorporated into the Russian Orthodox Church, the Uniates have survived largely in “catacombs”, ordaining their clergymen and worshiping in secret. Their five million adherents in the western areas of the Soviet Union constitute the country’s largest banned denomination. Religious believers are not the only active dissenters in Ukraine. Since a country-wide crackdown by the KGB in 1979, jail sentences have been handed out to more than 20 members of a Ukrain ian group monitoring the progress of hu man rights. In 1984 — called “the year of Ukrain ian martyrs” — a leading dissident, 78 Oleksa Tykhyj, died in a labour camp, another, Valeriy Marchenko, died after detention and a gruelling political trial. Ukraine’s proximity to Poland and its coupling of nationalism and religion have clearly worried Moscow. There have been demonstrations of support for Polish “subversion” among the 45 million Ukrainians who comprise the Soviet Un ion’s largest non-Russian nationality. Last April the leader of the Ukrainian Catholic Initiative Group, Yosyp Terelya, publish ed an open letter to Lech Walesa raising “the steadfastness and courage of the leaders of the workers’ movement and the Catholic church in Poland”. Many Ukrainian dissidents appear to have refused to serve in the army. This becomes clear from the samizdat journal — Chronicle of the Ukrainian Catholic Church in Ukraine — which has reached the West. It reports that in one labour camp 300 Uniates and 90 other people from smaller sects such as the Jehovah’s Witnesses and Baptists are serving three to five years’ hard labour for refusing to call-up. Conditions for Ukrainian political pris oners are uniformally harsh. In Drohobych and Hubnyk camps “corrective” measures include confinement in punishment cells until a believer recants his faith or is transferred to the prison hospital. Among those named as having been in punishment cells is an ailing 71-year-old priest, who was told by one lieutenant-colonel, V. Povshenko, known as “Pinochet” among camp inmates, that “we have the right to place all Catholics up to the age of 90 in punishment cells — priests don’t dis count for old age”. Opposition is also expressed as separa tism. The journal reports that more than 920 Christians in Western Ukraine re nounced citizenship by destroying their identity documents between January and April, 1984. The Red Army’s operations in Afghani stan are particularly unpopular in the region. Unprecedented information about Soviet casualties is revealed by the jour nal under the bitter slogan, “Gains for Moscow, losses for Ukraine”. The dead from three districts in south-west Ukraine are said to total 285 and the wounded 281. Considering the total population of 25,000 in the three districts, the casualty rate appears remarkably high. Though unverified, the figure supports earlier claims from unofficial sources that a disproportionately large number of re cruits from “trouble spots” such as Ukraine and the Baltic States have been sent to Afghanistan. M a x in e P o lla c k , M unich, T h e S u n d a y T im e s, J a n u a r y 2 7 , 1985 Je r e m y G a y la r d United Front Urged to Topple Soviet Imperialism A liberation strategy based on the con cept of a common front between the free world and captive nations was called for at a conference last weekend in the City. The American Friends of the Anti- Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (AF ABN) celebrated their 35th anniversary with a congress attended by several hundred participants from all over the world. The idea of a common front is not new. It was proposed as early as 1943 against the two existing totalitarian systems of Nazi Germany and Bolshevik Russia. “Nazi Germany and Nazism are dead and buried and will never rise again,” said Yaroslav Stetsko, former prime minister of Ukraine and founder of the Anti- Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN), based in Munich, West Germany. Stetsko was interned in the Nazi concentration camp 79 of Sachsenhausen from 1941 to 1945. “Russian Bolshevism, on the other hand, is very much alive and poses a continuing threat to the free world. Yet, country after country falls as its prey with no inter ference or concern on the part of the free world and with practically no recognition in the Western media,” he added. A united front against Soviet imperial ism would cause the system to collapse from within, because the non-Russian population behind the Iron Curtain out numbers the Russians 2 to 1, says Stetsko. Increasing unrest within the Soviet army, the majority of which are non-Rus sians, is being documented in various underground newspapers including the U k r a in ia n C a th o lic C h ro n ic le , says Stets ko, who was prime minister in Ukraine for a brief period in 1941, before it was taken over by the Nazis. Since its inception, the ABN has been advocating a joint front of the freedom- loving nations of the West with the libera tion movements of the Soviet-dominated countries. “A Third World War is being waged at this very moment,” Stetsko told a press conference at the Vista Hotel last Satur day. “While its tactics change continuously, Moscow’s strategy remains the same: it seeks to divide the free world, to juxta pose the underdeveloped Third World from the developed democracies of the West, to break up NATO (the North Atlantic Treaty Organization) by sowing discord among the allies, to corrupt Western morality and undermine its will to resistance, to subvert public opinion by every possible means of disinformation and propaganda, and to destroy the liber ation organizations of the captive nations by discrediting leaders of the emigre groups and to silence them by a campaign of lies, fabricated accusations and intimi dation.” Peter Wytenus, national chairman of AF ABN, called for a new federal policy toward the 34 nations under Soviet do mination. “The main factor hindering this is the communications factor,” he explained. “The Voice of America and Radio Free Europe could both be used much more effectively to project this message behind the iron curtain.” Wytenus announced that the State of New York had issued a resolution in sup port of AF ABN, and President Reagan and Vice President George Bush sent per sonal messages of encouragement to the congress. Habibullah Mayar, chairman of the Afghan Community in America, said that despite 150,000 Soviet troops in Af ghanistan, resistance forces “completely controlled 85-90 percent of the country.” He deplored the fact that thousands of Afghan youth were being forcibly sent to the Soviet Union for “brainwashing,” and appealed for material support. “We have enough fighters, but what we need is food, ammunition and medical supplies,” he said. “We need strong propaganda so more (Soviet soldiers) will defect. The problem is, which countries will accept them?” At a banquet Saturday evening, Rep. Mario Biaggi, D-Bronx and Yonkers, and John Nikas, representing Gov. Cuomo, urged the assembly to remain united. Wayne Merry, a member of the U.S. delegation to the United Nations and a former U.S. Embassy staff member in Moscow and East Berlin, called for efforts to obtain a strategic defense as “something we owe to posterity.” Murray was instrumental in helping gain the release of the Vashchenko family, who remained in the U.S. embassy in Moscow for several years demanding the right to emigrate to practice their Pente costal faith. N e w Y o r k C ity T rib u n e F r id a y , M a y 2 4 , 1985 80 Human Rights Activists Are Being Physically Liquidated In Soviet Camps In recent years the repressive measures against the imprisoned human rights activ ists in the Soviet Union as well as the in human working and living conditions in the prison camps came to a drastic climax in 1984. Inhuman prison conditions are physically destroying prisoners. The con clusion drawn from the reports by Balis Gajanskas (Lithuanian) and Vasyl’ Stus (Ukrainian) describing the situation in the prison camp Kucino 36/1 for recidivist political prisoners, is that prisoners who suffer from arterial and internal diseases are almost without medical attention. The camp doctors who serve in the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MDV) or in the State Security (KGB) abuse their professional services in order to aid the camp assistants in their “rehabilitation program”. It has become a well-known fact that in the prison camp Kucino, Valerij Marchenko’s (Ukrainian) deteriorated state of health, which finally led to his death on October 7, 1984 had been an act of vengeance by the camp doctor Pcelnikov because Mar chenko had lodged a written complaint about the insufficient medical attention. Oleksa Tykhyj’s death in May 1984 and Jurij Lytwyn’s “suicide” in August 1984, both members of the Ukrainian Helsinki Group who were serving high sentences in the prison camp Kucino as repetend poli tical prisoners, are circumstantial proof of the prisoners’ desperate situation who are delivered into the despotic and sadistic hands of the guards and the administration. In. the prison camp Kucino there are several seriously-ill political prisoners who have no chance of leaving the prison alive. They are: Levko Lukyanenko (Ukrainian), Vasyl Stus (Ukrainian), Viktor Petkus (Lithuanian), Semen Skalych (Ukrainian). In the neighbouring strict regime camp, Kucino 37, the Kyivan journalist, Alexander Shevchenko, is serving his 8 year sentence. As a result of the continuous solitary con finement he has become seriously ill through exposure and is already lame. The well- known psychiatrist from Kharkiv, Ukraine, Anatolij Korjagin, who is in the infamous Sevastopil prison, is supposed to be in danger as a result of his four month hunger strike. His system is so weak that he can not receive food at all. Another member of the Ukrainian Helsinki Group, the musician and poet Mykola Horbal, who has served a second sentence of a total of five years based on a false accusation, was to be released on October 24. However, on October 22 he was arrested again in prison and brought to the Nikolaev prison where he will again be put on trial for “slander” against the Soviet Union. For this reason his wife, Olha Stokotelna, sent the following tele gram to the Secretary General of the CPSU, Chernenko, as well as to the State General Attornies of the USSR and the Ukrainian SSR: “I urgently ask you to intervene and to prevent the slow death of my husband, Mykola Horbal, who is serving a sentence in the Nikolaev prison. My husband is being accused for the third time on grounds of a fabricated charge.” On October 31, Mrs. Stokotelna drove together with My kola Horbal’s sister to Nikolaev. Since they were not able to obtain a visitor’s pass, they flew to Moscow where they were held in custody for two days. In the Western Ukrainian city of Tscher- nivtsi Josef Zisels, a member of the Ukrain ian Helsinki Group, was arrested for the second time on October 20, 1984. Massive police raids preceded this arrest. Sentences against prisoners in exile who have served long-term prison camp sentences and exile are not lighter. If they are at all able to return home then such extreme conditions are imposed on them that they feel exiled: heavy, poorly-paid physical work, pro- 81 Violations of National and Human Rights in Ukraine Memorandum to British Prime Minister M. Thatcher In connection with the visit to Britain this month of Mr. Mikhail Gorbachev, the designated successor to Mr. Konstan tin Chernenko and thus the effective Second-in-Command in the Soviet Union, at the head of a parliamentary delega tion, we have the honour of drawing your attention to the latest violations of national and human rights in Ukraine by the Government of the USSR. Ukraine has suffered consistently from Russian imperialism since the unsuccessful result of the Battle of Poltava in 1709, which had the unfortunate consequence of bringing about the Russian occupation of Eastern and Central parts of Ukraine, partly owing to the lack of understanding and assistance from the Western Demo cracies. At the end of the First World War, the Tsarist Russian Empire collapsed and Ukraine once more became an indepen dent and sovereign state, after more than two centuries of national oppression. The Declaration of Independence of the Ukrainian National Republic of January 22nd, 1918, was followed by 3 years of armed resistance by the regular armies of the Ukrainian National Republic against the Communist Russian invasion. The War of Independence ended in the Russian con quest of Ukraine, partly owing to the lack of understanding and assistance from the Western Democracies. The prolonged struggle of armed parti san units in the 1920s, of various under ground organisations, such as the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine (SVU) and the Ukrainian Youth Association (SUM), liquidated in 1930, the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), founded in 1929, and various others, has not abated to this day. During the Second World War, the Ukrainian nation once again tried to free itself from Russian and other foreign rule and oppression. At the outbreak of the Nazi-Soviet war, the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), headed by Stepan Bandera, proclaimed in Lviv on June 30th, 1941, the restoration of Ukrain ian independence, which expressed the cherished aspirations of the Ukrainian hibited to frequent restaurants and visit cultural scenes, prohibited to correspond with friends, controlled weekly by the militia, etc. Bohdan Rebryk, another member of the Ukrainian Helsinki Group, was not allowed to return to Ukraine after serving his ten year sentence and had to struggle for work and residence visas in Kazakhstan within a very limited span of time. He did not want to take anyone to his apartment privately because he was being observed by the militia. “Who wants to see the militia in front of his house?”, he wrote in a letter. At the same time ties with his family were being cut off. Many letters sent from abroad to Soviet citizens are lost or not delivered at all. There are always fewer responses to letters from the West. The Soviet authorities have now decided to make it impossible not to receive not only material goods from the West but also letters. Sometimes it seems as if the security agents had forced certain persons to sign for postal deliveries in order to let all in-coming mail from abroad be returned. This procedure has already been in practice for years in the case of the parcel post deliveries, however, now it seems to have been extended to packages and letters. ( “ G lau.be in d e r 2. W e lt” . 1984 12. Jahrgang, Nr. 12) 82 people. This was followed by brutal repris als by the Gestapo. From 1942 to 1951 an armed struggle was conducted by the Ukrainian Insur gent Army (UPA), led by General Roman Shukhevych, first of all against the Nazi German occupation of Ukraine and later against Soviet Russian domination, a strug gle which has spread over a large part of Ukraine and was supported by millions of Ukrainians. But, as on past occasions, when facing such an overwhelming enemy without aid or proper sympathy from outside, Ukraine was unsuccessful in her struggle for freedom. The shootings, mass arrests and deportations, during and after the termination of active military resist ance, temporarily dealt a very heavy blow to Ukrainian resistance. With the demise of the armed struggle, the national movement of liberation was transferred to the political-intellectual arena from the military battlefield, and in the 1950s and 1960s the gun was ex changed by the pen. Clandestine political literature with Ukrainian patriotic con tents began to circulate in Ukraine and even reached the West. The Russian re gime once more reacted with increased terror, arrests of prominent intellectuals, students and members of various under ground Ukrainian organisations, which came into being in many parts of Ukraine. As a result, the Mordovian concentration camps became filled to a great extent with Ukrainian political prisoners, fighters for freedom and the rights of the Ukrainian nation, as well as with religious dissenters. Since the 1970s, and especially in re cent years, the Russian authorities have intensified their policies of assimilation and forced Russification in an effort to integrate the many nations which form the Soviet Union, by transforming them into a single artificial, Russian-speaking “So viet people”. The 45 or so million Ukrainians living in the Soviet Union form by far the largest non-Russian nation in the USSR, and their national aspirations are far from spent. In actual fact, national and reli gious feeling in Ukraine is extremely persistent indeed and thus creates a great hindrance for Russia, which has not ceased to find Ukrainian nationalism a serious threat — serious enough to warrant any possible means, in the eyes of the Rus sians, to destroy it and its very roots. Because Ukraine has always stood in the forefront of opposition to Russian assimi- lationist plans and policies of forced Rus sification, and because the Russian author ities are well aware that in recent years the Ukrainian movement of opposition has been especially unequivocal about de manding independence from Russia and has made every effort to widen its social base, the Russians have, in recent years, set about destroying Ukrainian opposition as never before. Thus since 1979, the Russian authorities have launched a major attack against all forms of opposition in the Soviet Union. As a result of this latest wave of repres sion, the Ukrainians have been especially hard hit. For example, more than 20 members of the Ukrainian Helsinki moni toring group were imprisoned, over half of them receiving sentences of 10 years or more. In addition, many Ukrainian poli tical prisoners received additional sen tences prolonging their imprisonment and thus curtailing their influence on the move ment of opposition in Ukraine. As part of this policy to physically destroy all Ukrainian opposition, emerged the practice of destroying those political prisoners whom the authorities deem to be "danger ous” in the prisons and concentration camps for they embody and personify the opposition movement and act as the na tion’s spokesmen with the authorities. Due to this practice, three prominent Ukrainian national and human rights campaigners, Oleksa Tykhy, Yuriy Lytvyn and Valery Marchenko, have died in Rus 83 sian labour camps since the spring of this year (1984). Although their deaths have been re ported in the Western press, they are usually said to have died from natural causes. On the surface this may appear true indeed, but one must look deeper into the circumstances surrounding their deaths in order to get a better picture of the true nature of the facts. All three were in fact tortured to death, both mentally and physically, in a long drawn-out process of lengthy sentences, closely followed by additional sentences, to keep them permanently out of the way and prevent them from "causing trouble.” In the hard labour camps where they stayed, Tykhy, Lytvyn and Marchenko were constantly deprived of proper food and greatly needed medical care and facilities despite being seriously ill, suf fering from diseases acquired during earlier terms of imprisonment. They were constantly subjected to acute suffering and maltreatment as well as other forms of physical and moral brutality, and were made to work in the severe climatic con ditions of Siberia in complete disregard of their critical health conditions. This treat ment was designed to either force them to recant or else to die a slow and agonising death. All three, however, preferred to die rather than recant. They were unwilling to break under the severe stress of the physical and mental torture and brutality they had to endure, which after long periods of previous imprisonment were already becoming unbearable, especially in their state of health, and thus betray the ideals which they had defended unfalter ingly for so long. The death of these three innocent victims of Russian terror in Ukraine was no more than pure cold blooded and cynical murder on the part of the Russian authorities. Another victim of Russian oppression, Yuriy Shukhevych, the son of General Roman Shukhevych, Commander-in-Chief of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) during and after the Second World War, who has already spent over 30 years in Russian prisons and concentration camps since the age of 14, has now become com pletely blind. And yet, since this occurred in 1982 he has not been released but con tinues to be detained in exile in Siberia. How long can he survive? Simultaneously to the practice of the destruction of prominent political prison ers in the prisons and labour camps, there has also emerged the widespread practice of rounding up and executing by firing squad of former members of the Organisa tion of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), many of whom have previously served sentences of 25 or 30 years for their "crimes”. In the summer and autumn of 1984, 5 former members of the OUN and UPA, Olexander Palyha, Mykhaylo Le- vyckyj, Nil Yakobchuk, Vasyl Bodnar and Filonyk, were picked up and sentenced to death as “traitors and war criminals”, on fabricated evidence and “testimonies” of false witnesses. Afterwards they were taken out and shot. The fact that in the process of this year 7 Ukrainian political prisoners and former freedom fighters have either been forced to die slowly or else were shot for alleged “crimes”, shows that the Russian offensive against the Ukrainian movement of op position has been greatly intensified this year. Apart from the attack on political and national opposition in Ukraine, since the stepping up of the onslaught against all forms of dissent and opposition by the KGB in 1979, religious believers, especial ly the Protestant communities and the faithful of the Ukrainian Catholic Church, which has been forced to operate clandes tinely in the catacombs since its forceful incorporation into the state-controlled and subservient Russian Orthodox Church in 1946, have become persecuted on a scale 84 unmatched anywhere else in the Soviet Union. We would, therefore, like to bring to your attention, Madame, the fact that: 1) Mikhail Gorbachev, as the designated Second-in-Command in the Soviet Union, along with the other members of the Polit buro and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, is responsible for this latest attack on Ukrainian national and religious opposition and dissent, as well as the murder of Tykhyj, Lytvyn, Marchenko, Palyha, Levyckyj, Yakobchuk, Bodnar and Filonyk. 2) In the Western press Gorbachev is described as a reformer — one who will probably initiate the internal reform and reorganisation of the Soviet Union. But what will such a programme of internal reform entail for the Ukrainians in the Soviet Union? The internal structure of the Soviet Union can only be reformed and strengthened without Ukrainian op position. Therefore, this would mean even greater repression and persecution of all groups and individuals who strive for in dependence from Moscow, and who thus hinder the effective central control and strengthening of the internal structure of the Soviet Union as an empire-state. All religious dissent will also have to be eradicated as part of the “reform” pro gramme of Mr. Gorbachev, should he suc ceed Mr. Chernenko. 3) Western governments and people should remember, Madame, that the Soviet Union is not and has never been a volun tary union. It is nothing more than the continuation of the Russian colonial em pire — a prison of nations held together by terror and military force, the two basic ingredients of Russian imperialism, guided by men such as Mikhail Gorbachev. The Soviet Russian urge for greatness in the form of expansion is thus not a new phenomenon which can be attributed to Communism only, as is often mistakenly understood. It is centuries-old Russian imperialism interwoven with Communist ideology, which is why it is so unpredic table and so dangerous. Communism has given traditional Russian imperialism a new face, a new platform and new op portunities. The original Tsarist idea of a world-wide empire with world-wide hege mony has not changed; it has merely adopted a new form. The portrayal of the Soviet Union as a homogenous structure — one indivisible Russia, with one peo ple, one language and one culture only goes to assist Moscow in its Russification of the Ukrainian language, culture, and indeed every walk of life in Ukraine, and should from now on be avoided on every occasion. 4) The British Government, the Foreign Office, the House of Commons and the general population of Britain must not al low themselves to be tricked by “friendly” smiles, “warm” handshakes and “reas suring” words. For representatives of a government and system, which promotes “friendship”, “peaceful co-existence”, “co operation” and “disarmament” and at the same time increases its own “defence” budget by a very substantial percentage, can only make the same false promises as the government and system they serve. 5) This system, driven by traditional Russian imperialism, is striving for fur ther expansion, territorial conquest and the spread of Communism throughout the world. Witness to this is the invasion of Afghanistan, the latest country to be sub jugated by Russia, and the whole string of wars on the continent of Africa and South America. 6) The expanding Russian empire pre sently poses a greater than ever threat to the West with the latest increase in Rus sian military spending. Representatives of this system cannot have anything of de finite value or meaning to say to the lead ers of Western democratic countries, who are still prepared to see some good in Rus sian officials. The Ukrainian nation, Mad 85 ame, and all the nations subjugated by Russia have constantly demonstrated that this is not so and can never be so. Genuine and useful co-operation and peaceful co existence with any system or government, which perpetrates such atrocities as do the Russian authorities and the KGB, is im possible and representatives of such sys tems should never be accepted as guests of governments or institutions of freedom- loving democratic countries. We urge, Madame, upon the British Government, the Foreign Office and the House of Commons, while acting as hosts to Mr. Gorbachev and his delegation, to demand from the Soviet Russian Govern ment the immediate release of all Ukrain ian political prisoners in the Soviet Union, especially Yuriy Shukhevych, who has been imprisoned for more than 30 years; Mrs. Oksana Meshko, who is 79 years old, almost blind and suffers from accute dia betes and rheumatism, and who is cur rently serving 5 years of internal exile in Siberia; Levko Lukyanenko, presently serving his 15 year sentence of imprison ment; Mykola Rudenko, imprisoned since 1977 and Vyacheslav Chornovil, constant ly imprisoned since 1972. Furthermore, Madame, we urge upon the British Government, the Foreign Of fice and the House of Commons, to stipu late to Mr. M. Gorbachev and his delega tion that all future political, economic and cultural co-operation with the Russians shall be preconditioned by the proper treatment of the national and human rights of the Ukrainian nation and all the nations currently enslaved by Soviet Rus sian imperialism in the USSR, nations which should have the right to their in dependence, sovereignty and a democratic way of life on their own free ethno graphic territories. True peace in the world can only come about after the dismemberment of the Soviet empire into separate, independent and sovereign nations. Until that time the threat of Russian expansion and oppresion will continue to hang over the whole world. Hoping that you, Madame, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and the British Government will have in mind this Memorandum during Mr. M. Gorbachev’s visit to London and will do their utmost for defending national and human rights in Ukraine. We remain, Madame, Your obedient Servants, Association of Ukrainians in Great Britain I. D m y tr iw , P re sid e n t I. R a w lu k , G e n e r a l S e c r e ta r y D e c e m b e r 12, 1984 “Ukraine Pays the Bill” In 1945 the American journalist Edgar Snow published an article in the Saturday Evening Post titled “Ukraine Pays the Bill” in which he reported on the state of affairs at the end of the Second World War. This first-hand report was based on the author’s own travels and investigations in Ukraine almost immediately after the Nazis had been driven out. “This whole titanic struggle, which some are apt to dismiss as “the Russian glory,” has, in all truth and in many costly ways, been first of all a Ukrainian war. And greatest of this republic’s sacrifices, one which can be assessed in no ordinary ledger, is the toll taken of human life. No fewer than 10,000,000 people ... have been “lost” to Ukraine since the beginning of the war ... No single European country has suffered deeper wounds to its cities, its industry, its farmlands and its humanity”. (Snow, 1945: p. 18). 86 Fifteen Arrested Protesting Shcherbitsky Visit NEW YORK — On Friday, March 8, fifteen Ukrainians were arrested in front of the Soviet mission to the United Na tions while protesting the visit to the United States by Volodymyr Shcherbitsky of the Communist Party of Ukraine. The group had attempted to stage a sit-in during a demonstration attended by ap proximately 250 Ukrainian-Americans in the New York City area. Ranging in age from 18 to 65, the group splintered off the larger portion of the demonstration and proceeded to evade police barricades. Upon reaching the Soviet mission’s front entrance, they assumed seated positions and began to decry Moscow’s policy of human and national rights denial in Ukraine as represented by Mr. Shcherbitsky. After some ten minutes of peaceful protest and having received the attention of AP, Voice of America and New York City Tribune reporters, the fifteen protesters were carried by New York City Police Department officers to the 19th Precinct directly across the street. Charged with disorderly conduct and re sisting arrest, the group is expected to be dismissed from guilt when they appear in court on March 26. Jerry Kuzemchak of the New York Branch of the Ukrainian Student Association, which initiated the demonstration, commented: “The NYPD and the judicial system are largely sym pathetic to the Ukrainian cause. While its their job to enforce standard diplo matic etiquette, they always come through for Ukrainians in the end. For instance, the last group of Ukrainian demonstrators to be arrested in front of the Soviet mis sion (on January 12, 1985 — the Day of Solidarity with Ukrainian Political Prison ers) was dismissed from guilt without so much as one question upon their court ap pearance in February. Indeed, the officers of the 19th Precinct have invited us down to share our view about the repression of Ukrainian culture, religions and language with them. They really are on our side and we’re thankful for it.” In a statement released by the TUSM organizers of the demonstration the fol lowing was stated: “We are outraged that Volodymyr Shcherbitsky is being greeted by certain circles in the American govern ment as a messenger of good will and mutual trust. He is directly responsible for the implementation of Moscow’s policy of eradicating Ukrainian culture. He is directly responsible for the countless ar rests and imprisonments of Ukrainian artists, intellectuals and working people. Our actions are aimed at illuminating the plight of such Ukrainian political prisoners as Yuriy Shukhevych who has served more than 30 years in the Gulag for his commit ment to the Ukrainian national ideal.” The demonstration was participated in by other Ukrainian organizations in the New York area, such as Americans for Human Rights in Ukraine, Organization in Defense of the Four Freedoms of Ukraine — Men’s and Women’s Leagues, Ukrainian Congress Committee of Ameri ca, Ukrainian Students’ Dachau Committee, Federation of Ukrainian Student Organiza tions (SUSTA) and others. TUSM’s cam paign in defense of Yurij Shukhevych continues on March 29, 1985 in Washing ton, D.C. with a national demonstration where participants will meet at the Taras Shevchenko monument at Avenue “P” and 24th Street at 11AM. N e w s R e le a se o f th e U k r a in ia n S tu d e n t A sso c ia tio n o f M y k o la M ic h n o w sk y , M arch 1 1, 1 9 8 5 87 U.S. Attacks on ‘Butcher of Ukraine’ B y R ic h a rd B e esto n , W ash in g to n Mr. VLADIMIR SHCHERBITSKY, the visiting Soviet party chief, and his delega tion yesterday met the Senate leadership while American Ukrainians denounced him as “the butcher of Ukraine.” Mr. Shcherbitsky, the Ukrainian Com munist party chief, is the first member of the Politburo other than Mr. Gromyko, Foreign Minister, to visit the United States since 1973 but his ruthless record is causing embarrassment in Congress. Congressman Jack Kemp, a strong fa vourite as the next Republican presidential candidate, who was asked by the Soviet Union to be one of the sponsors of the visit, decided to attend none of the func tions after learning of Mr. Shcherbitsky’s record. “He has a history of repression in Ukraine he (Mr. Kemp) can’t condone,” one of Mr. Kemp’s aides said. Other congressmen who had agreed to meet the Soviet visitor would do so “with gritted teeth,” the aide said. Ukrainians Sing About Homeland Members and friends of the Ukrainian Youth Association gathered in Derby yesterday on their Christmas Eve to plead for religious freedom in the USSR. Members of the Ukrainian Church fol low the old calendar, where Christmas Eve falls on January 6. But in the Soviet Union where the Christmas message falls on stony ground, families are not granted a public holiday to celebrate. In addition, Soviet authorities this year banned all parcels to Ukraine, which means relatives in Britain cannot send any Christmas presents to their families. Ukrainian exiles say that Mr. Shcher bitsky has sent thousands of Ukrainians to labour camps, has brutally persecuted the Ukrainian Helsinki human rights group and cracked down on Jewish emigration. Mr. Shcherbitsky, who looks like a ty pical Kremlin commissar, is one of the most senior men in the Politburo. He lacks the easy-going style of his younger col league, Mr. Gorbachev, who visited Britain in December. The WASHINGTON TIMES in an editorial yesterday headed “Comrade Shcherbitsky, go home,” described him as a “mass murderer,” who should not be received by the President. Mr. Shultz, Secretary of State, has wel comed the visit as an opportunity to establish a direct dialogue with the Soviet leadership on the eve of the resumption of arms talks in Geneva. T h e D a ily T e le g r a p h , W ed n e sd ay , M arch 6, 1985 Mrs. Lydia Deremenda said: “Wherever Ukrainians can be found in Britain, they are giving spiritual and moral help to peo ple in the Soviet Union who cannot cele brate their religion freely, and also to peo ple who are suffering politically. “The groups may be small, but they re mind people in the Soviet Union we are thinking of them.” The group, which included Lithuanian friends and Christian Trades Union As sociation members, sang carols and read prayers throughout the morning at Derby Market Place. D e r b y E v e n in g T e le g r a p h , J a n . 7 , 1985 88 The Russian Empire In his Nov. 5 letter, Alexis Bogolubow claims that among all ethnic groups in the U.S. only the Russian-Americans persist in asking the U.S. government to designate Nov. 7 (anniversary of the Bolshevik Re volution) a “Day of Sorrow and De fiance.” The reason the Russian-American Con gress has been unsuccessful in generating any degree of enthusiasm from other ethnic groups, especially those representing the captive nations of the USSR — Ar menians, Lithuanians, Ukrainians, and others — is that, whereas most of the Rus sian ethnics feel the regime need only be modified, the non-Russian groups are for a complete dismemberment of the Russian Empire. There is an organization called the East European Ethnic Conference. It is dedi cated to self-determination for all captive nations, especially those in the USSR. Unable to put up with this “treasonable” attitude of the other members, the Rus sian-American Congress has terminated its membership in the EEEC. S te v e B o y c h u k , A le x a n d r ia , V a . T h e W ash in g to n T im es N o v e m b e r 2 6 , 1 9 8 4 Blind Minister’s New Sentence An almost-blind minister of the Soviet Union’s unofficial Baptist Church has been sentenced to two more years in a labour camp while serving the last months of a five-year sentence, a church group re ported. The Slavic Mission of Stockholm said Mikhail Chorev, who has spent 11 of the last 18 years in Soviet jails and labour camps, had received an additional sentence for “resisting camp orders.” — Reuter. Jo h n W a rd A n d erso n 10 Protesters Arrested at Soviet Embassy Ten persons who were protesting the Soviet Union’s “inhumane treatment” of a Ukrainian human and political rights activist were arrested yesterday afternoon outside the Soviet embassy, police reported. The arrests followed a demonstration at Lafayette Park, across from the White House, by about 350 Ukrainian-American students from around the country, ac cording to John Mularoni, a spokesman for organizers of the protest. Mularoni said the demonstration was held to publicize the plight of Yuriy Shukhevych, 51, a member of the Ukrain ian Helsinki Monitoring Group, who “was imprisoned in 1948 at the age of 14 and has now spent more than [two-thirds] of his life serving the Soviet state,” according to a press release which said that Shukhe vych “is currently blind as a result of experimental surgery performed in a psychiatric hospital in 1982”. Later about 250 protesters marched to the Soviet embassy, 1115 16th St. NW, to deliver a petition demanding the re lease of Shukhevych and other human rights activists, Mularoni said. He said the demonstrators were stopped by police about 500 feet from the embas sy. However, he said, a small group of demonstrators was already inside the bar ricade, and one man was admitted to the embassy. It was not known last night if he succeeded in delivering the petition. Later, he and nine other demonstrators in front of the embassy refused to disband, as police ordered. A police spokeswoman said seven wom en and three men were arrested and charged with demonstrating within 500 feet of an embassy. Each was released on Download Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: |
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