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- Second Stage: Western Technology
- Third Stage: Liberation Struggle and Western Technology
- In The Final Analysis
- US Congressmen Commemorate the 44th Anniversary of the Act of Proclamation Restoring Ukrainian Independence Hon. Annunzio of Illinois
- HON. GERALD B. H. SOLOMON of N ew York
- “MAZEPA AND CHARLES XII” (1880) By Gustaf Cederstrom (1845-1933)
- Ukrainian Resistance 1942-1952 As A Model For Modern Combat On Communist Territory
2 to the Chronicles of the group smuggled to the West, it unifies the national patriotic ideas with the faith in God, and asserts the right of the nation and its institutions to exist and evolve freely. It rejects Bolshevism completely and is attempting to build an alternative around the pillars of Ukrainian nationhood — its Catacomb Ukrainian Church and revolutionary nationalist forces. Clearly, the matters of resistance in the various subjugated nations have taken on a different form, but the fundamental goal has prevailed — a loud ‘no more’ to Muscovite, Russian rule. Second Stage: Western Technology If understanding the first stage requires simple observation, the second stage — the dual threat of Western technology to the Russian empire is likewise evident to all. The West has managed to create everything from re-usable space vehicles to computers very nearly capable of artificial intelligence. President Reagan’s SDI promises to push the West into further innovation. The break throughs in communications are particularly impressive and important. A spe cific example comes to mind as graphic proof. When the two Korean airliners, one in 1979 and one in 1983, strayed into Soviet airspace, the West’s listening devices were sophisticated enough to pick up the conversations between the Russian pilots and their home bases. With such sophistication it is clear that the Iron Curtain’s airwaves are open to manipulation from the West. One needs little imagination to foresee a time when the West will be able to broad cast television programs to any part of the Russian empire through the use of satellites and, if jammed, will be capable of counter-jamming. However, given such a vulnerability, it is clear that the Russians can effectively respond in only one way — engage in a massive high technology program of their own. Gorbachev, upon ascending to the Russian imperial throne, has already indi cated as much. He has recently asserted that every school must stress training in cybernetics. But, in doing so, he has accepted the devil’s alternative. Again, one needs little imagination to see how vulnerable the Muscovite empire would be if broader access to technology were allowed. If nothing else, Khomeini’s tactics against the Shah immediately come to mind. Third Stage: Liberation Struggle and Western Technology To move from the second stage to the third stage — full access to Western technology by the liberation movements within the subjugated nations of the Muscovite empire to help awaken and coordinate revolutionary struggles for national liberation — has not as yet become a reality. But let us contemplate its possible direction and possible outcome. A real hint is available in the case of Poland’s Solidarity. On the one hand, thanks to the radio broadcasts from the West, the strikes and actions in Gdansk spread throughout Poland. On the other hand, the Polish ZOMO was able to paralyze Solidarity by shutting down telephone services. Technology was instrumental in both events. Let us translate the scenario into a future when the West has made its technology available fully. The radio broadcasts could be enhanced by television broadcasts. Such broad casts would allow increased coordination and stimulation — particularly if they enabled emigre groups to hold up the symbols of national unity to those 3 behind the Iron Curtain. Furthermore, in situations of revolutionary upheaval, the Bolsheviks would find the tactic of shutting down telephones ineffective, if new Kremlin-spawned communications between various localities could be left open via Western satellites. The point seems clear. The West, through its technological aid, could give a new dimension to resistance in nations subjugated by Moscow — make it truly mass-based. In The Final Analysis If the resistance became massive enough, the Soviet Russian empire could conceivably crumble without the West firing a shot. The entire idea, in the final analysis, depends on the critical issue — that the West recognize the subjugated nations as its strongest allies. US Congressmen Commemorate the 44th Anniversary of the Act of Proclamation Restoring Ukrainian Independence Hon. Annunzio of Illinois • Mr. ANN UNZIO . Mr. Speaker, June 30 marks the 44th anniversary of the Act of Proclamation which briefly restored the independence of Ukraine during World War II. On this date in 1941, courageous Ukrainian nationalists were able to seize power and form a provisional govern ment dedicated to principles of self-de termination and human dignity, and free from the tyranny and oppression of the Communists or the Nazis. The Proclamation signed in Lviv, Ukraine on June 30, 1941, came at a time when Soviets, who had occupied the country since the end of World War I, were forced to withdraw because of the threat of oncoming N azi troops. Prior to this Nazi invasion of Ukraine, Ukrain ian nationalists in Lviv quickly convened a National Assembly which issued the Act of Proclamation declaring a free indepen dent Ukraine. Act of Proclamation of the Ukrainian State 1. By the will of the Ukrainian people, the Organization of Ukrainian National ists under the leadership of Stepan Ban dera proclaims the restoration of the Ukrainian State, for which entire genera tions of the best sons of Ukraine have given their lives. The Organization of Ukrainian N a tionalists, which under the direction of its creator and leader Evhen Konovalets during the past decades of blood-stained Muscovite Bolshevik subjugation carried on a stubborn struggle for freedom, calls upon the entire Ukrainian people not to lay down their arms until a Sovereign Ukrainian State is formed in all the Ukrainian lands. The sovereign Ukrainian government assures the Ukrainian people of law and order, multi-sided development of all its forces, and satisfaction of its demands. 4 2. In the western lands of Ukraine a Ukrainian government is created which will be subordinated to a Ukrainian na tional administration to be created in the capital city of Ukraine, Kyiv. 3. The Ukrainian national-revolutionary army, which is being created on Ukrain ian soil, will continue to fight against the Muscovite occupation for a Sovereign All-Ukrainian State and a new, just order in the whole world. Long live the Sovereign Ukrainian State! Long live the Organization of Ukrain ian Nationalists! Long live the leader of the Organiza tion of Ukrainian Nationalists — Stepan Bandera! (The City of Lviv, June 30, 1941, 8 p.m.) Yaroslav Stetsko, Head of the National Assembly The timing of the proclamation forced the Nazis to declare their true intentions to overrun Ukraine and force its annexa tion as a part of Germany. As a conse quence of this proclamation, the Nazis were brutal in their attempts to suppress the Ukrainians for their show of indepen dence, and many of their cultural, re ligious, and political leaders were sent to concentration camps. Over 2,000 young Ukrainian freedom fighters bravely stood up against the barbarism and terrorism of the Nazis. Ukrainian patriots remembered all too well the cruelty of the Soviets, having experienced the brutality of Stalin’s im posed "famine” which took the lives of over 10 million Ukrainians. Those free dom fighters fought valiantly in the hope that future generations of Ukrainians would be able to once again have control over their own destinies and be able to live in freedom. The Nazis arrested Stepan Bandera, president of the Organization of Ukrain ian Nationalists, and Yaroslav Stetsko, prime minister of the provisional govern ment because of their leadership role in the resistance, and placed them in the Sachsenhausen concentration camp for the duration of the war. The Nazis unsuccess fully tried to force their prisoners to re pudiate the proclamation, but these lead ers refused to yield. The spiritual leader of the Ukrainian Catholic Church, Metropolitan Sheptytsky, in a pastoral letter on June 30,1944, hailed the proclaimed Ukrainian state, bestowed his blessings upon it, and called upon the people to give the new Ukrainian Govern ment their loyal support. H e stated that “your faith, solidarity, and conscientious execution of duties, prove that you are worthy of independent national existence.” Mr. Speaker, although the Ukrainians are still under foreign domination, I am hopeful that one day their love of liberty will triumph and Ukraine will once again take her rightful place in the community of free nations. It is with pride that I join with Ameri cans of Ukrainian descent in the 11th Congressional District of Illinois which I am honored to represent, and those all over the world, who are celebrating the 44th anniversary of the Ukrainian Act of Proclamation. The spirit and strength of the people of Ukraine have not waivered as they continue in their efforts to break free from their Communist oppres sor and re-establish their homeland as an independent nation. Congressional Record, June 27, 1985 5 Hon. WM. S. BROOMFIELD of M ichigan Mr. Broomfield. Mr, Speaker, in light of the 40th anniversary of World War II, it is important to remember the national liberation struggle of the Ukrainian people. On Sunday, June 30, 1985, the Ukrain ian community throughout the United States will commemorate the 44th ad v e r sary of the Act of Proclamation, which restored the independent Ukrainian state for a brief period during World War II. This proclamation announced the resto ration of the Ukrainian state in Lviv, Ukraine, on June 30, 1941. This came at a time when Soviet troops were with drawing from Ukraine and prior to the influx of German Nazi troops. The result of this constant struggle led to the deaths of millions. The Soviet Com munist forces retreating before German advances summarily massacred tens of thousands of Ukrainian political prisoners on the excuse that there was no time to transport them eastward. As the Red army withdrew, it followed a “scorched-earth” policy of destroying factories, roads, bridges, railroads, buildings, crops and livestock, and even churches, to leave nothing in its wake for the Germans. Upon Soviet withdrawal, the Germans then exterminated an estimated 3.9 million Ukrainians, including 900,000 Jews, and deported millions more to slave labor camps where countless numbers of victims perished. Surprising the Germans with a “fait accompli” by seizing power in Lviv and convening the National Assembly which issued the Act of Proclamation, the N a tional Assembly appointed Mr. Yaroslav Stetsko Prime Minister of the newly formed Ukrainian Provisional Govern ment. Despite the courageous acts of more than 2,000 young Ukrainian freedom fighters, N azi troops responded to the Act of Proclamation with mass arrests and widespread terror. The head of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, Stepan Bandera, and Prime Minister Yaroslav Stetsko were arrested on July 12, 1941. After rejecting Hitler’s repeated demands to revoke the Act of Proclamation, they were dispatched on September 15 to the concentration camp at Sachsenhausen. Although the imprisonment of Bandera and Stetsko left the infant state without its two primary leaders, a strong resistance against the Nazis was waged by the O r ganization of Ukrainian Nationalists and later the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. Of extreme importance was the Ukrain ian Insurgent Army’s two-front resistance against both the Nazis and the Soviets. As a result of the Nazi savagery, which was indeed indistinguishable from that of Sta lin himself, both alternative conquerors became equally unacceptable. The Orga nization of Ukrainian Nationalists, there fore, had no choice but to declare an unequal war on two of the greatest to talitarian empires, which had armies to match, that the world had never seen. Following the war, the Ukrainian In surgent Army continued to fight against Soviet troops in Western Ukraine well into the 1950’s. In conclusion, the true voice of the Ukrainian people cannot come from that illegitimate communist organization which, while pretending to represent Ukrainian interests, has been admitted to the United Nations as the mouthpiece of the Soviet Communist Party and its im perialistic designs on the rest of the world. Ukraine has always maintained close ties with the West and has never voluntarily merged her fate with the East and Moscow. However, Ukraine’s western orientation has not helped that country to secure her independence. Every attempt at the libera tion of the country has approached the West, but the West has not listened. 6 Today, the West is threatened as never before. It is in the interests of freedom- loving people everywhere to recognize the struggle of the Ukrainian people to throw off its age-old yoke, to unite with them in their struggle, and to admit them to a new Europe and a union of free and democratic nations. On behalf of the Ukrainian-Americans and the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, I propose this statement of solidarity with the thousands of Ukrainian Insurgent Army veterans living in the United States who fought courageously against nazism and communism on the day which they commemorate the anniversary of a once-independent Ukrainian state. Congressional Record, June 27, 1985 HON. GERALD B. H. SOLOMON of N ew York Mr. Solomon. Mr. Speaker, this coming Sunday, June 30, marks the 44th anni versary of the restoration of freedom and national sovereignty in Ukraine. For a few exciting days in 1941, the people of Ukraine tasted freedom as the yoke of Soviet oppression was lifted. The high hopes engendered by the Soviet with drawal from Ukraine were short-lived, however. So brutal had been the Soviet occupation that Ukrainian people wel comed the advancing German troops in 1941 as liberators. But the retreating Soviet forces resorted to a scorched earth policy as they evacuated their positions in Ukraine. And the German forces that quickly took over established yet another reign of terror, a Holocaust that took as many innocent Ukrainian lives as did the great Soviet-engineered famines of the 1920’s and 1930’s. Once again, the hopes of the Ukrainian people had been crushed. And the heroic resistance forces that had been fighting the Soviet occupiers since 1922 found them selves having to fight two enemies: the Soviet Communists and the German Nazis. As the tide of battle throughout Europe turned against the Nazis, the pleas for help from Ukrainian nationalists fell on deaf ears in the allied countries. When the German forces retreated from Ukraine, the Soviet troops poured in behind them and re-established Communist control over the proud people and country of Ukraine. And to this day the ancient Ukrainian culture remains under Soviet subjugation. Mr. Speaker, it is imperative for us to commemorate the restoration of Ukrain ian independence, brief though it may have been, because the very forces that have denied the Ukrainian people their just rights are the same forces that seek to take those rights from us as well. If any one harbors romantic illusions about the nature of Soviet communism and its ulti mate objectives, I would suggest that they consider the history of Ukraine. Consider, too, the fate of Stepan Ban dera, the great Ukrainian patriot who declared his country’s independence on June 30, 1941. Captured by the Germans 12 days later, Bandera spent the war years imprisoned in the Sachsenhausen concentration camp, where he resolutely refused to recant his actions on behalf of free Ukraine. Bandera lived in exile in West Germany after the war. But so im placable is the Soviet terror apparatus, that he was murdered by a KGB agent in Munich in 1959. When the government of free Ukraine went underground by the end of 1941, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army took to the field, and for a time exercised control over some 100,000 square miles of ter ritory and 15 million people. But, fol lowing the war, the full height of the Soviet military machine was directed toward crushing any and all resistance in Ukraine. The government of free Ukraine continued to function underground until 1951, and armed resistance to Soviet oc 7 cupation was reported as late as 1967. Their land may have been conquered again, but the spirit of the Ukrainian peo ple remains unbowed. Mr. Speaker, on the occasion of this anniversary, it behooves us all to pay tribute to the bravery of the Ukrainian people and to declare our faith that they will one day breathe free. Despite the re lentless efforts of the Soviet Union to obliterate all vestiges of Ukrainian culture and nationhood, the day of redemption will come. And let us salute those many Ukrainians, especially those who fought in the resistance, who now live in the United States and bear testimony to the blessings of freedom. Their struggle is ours. Congressional Record, June 26, 1985 “MAZEPA AND CHARLES XII” (1880) By Gustaf Cederstrom (1845-1933) In the foreground wounded King Charles X I I with Hetman Ivan Mazepa by his side pointing towards the river Vorskla just before the battle of Poltava on June 28, 1709. Behind the King, General Charles Gustaf Rehnskiold, who in reality was to lead the Swedish troops during the battle. In the background Ukrainian and Swedish troops marching to take up positions facing Tsar Peter’s Russian troops. 8 Bertil Haggm an, L L.B ., (A u th o r, M em ber, Sw edish A uthors’ Association) Ukrainian Resistance 1942-1952 As A Model For Modern Combat On Communist Territory (D elivered on June 6, 1985 a t the conference “Ukraine D uring W o rld W a r I I ”, U niversity o f Illinois at Urbana-Champaign). After having studied the program for this conference I started wondering if I really had a place here to-day. What could I, jurist and author, contribute at such a gathering of leading academic researchers on all aspects of Ukraine during World War II? Well, my only excuse is that I come from a country that once was allied with an independent Ukraine in a united effort to stop Russian expansionism. Unfortunately our joint hopes were crushed at Poltava in 1709 when Czar Peter defeated Hetman Ivan Mazepa’s Ukrainian forces and the royal Swedish troops of King Charles XII. The battle of Poltava was the beginning of a period of growing Russian strength. Sweden was also one of the first countries historically to receive Ukrainian emigration. I am also, naturally, a strong supporter of Ukrainian independence. The operations of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army have been described here to some extent and I will therefore be brief in my background comments on the history of the UPA. By 1942, the UPA was fighting both Nazis and Com munists. The fighting was especially fierce in Western Ukraine. Even before the German armies retreated from Ukraine the insurgents were fighting Soviet Russian forces. The Soviet partisan Kovpak tried to reach Galicia through central Ukraine but he had to fight the UPA all the way and forces had to retreat to Soviet Russian occupied territory. In 1943 a conference was held, “United Liberation Struggle of the Oppres sed Nations”. There, Ukrainians met with Bashkirs, Georgians, Byelorussians, Armenians and Turkestanis on UPA held territory. At that time it dominated an area of about 100,000 square miles and exercised governmental control over around 15 million people mostly in Western Ukraine. The goal was to create an independent Ukraine free from Soviet control and supported by the West. The same year, 1943, the UPA was at its strongest. Between 100,000 and 200,000 men and women were under arms. But the UPA’s task was immense. It fought the German occupation troops while they retreated and then the Red Army and NKVD units that returned to control the Ukrainians once more. In preparation of the gathering communist storm a General Staff was organised and the country divided into regions. The UPA had all the relevant staff functions — intelligence, logistics, com munications and liaison services. The UPA freedom fighters were organised in platoons, companies, battalions and regiments. The light companies had 168 men and three rifle platoons and the heavy companies — 186 men, three rifle platoons, a heavy machine gun and a heavy mortar platoon. The UPA used the platoon and company for most of its operations like many of the post- World War II guerilla organisations. Artillery was also available to some extent. Download Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: |
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