Towards a General Theory of Translational Action : Skopos Theory Explained
Genre conventions and genre classes
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Towards a General Theory of Translational Action Skopos Theory Explained by Katharina Reiss, Hans J Vermeer (z-lib.org) (2)
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- 11.3.1 Definition of ‘convention’
11.3 Genre conventions and genre classes
As we pointed out above, genres are distinguished by the ‘characteristic pat- terns of language use and composition’ of the texts belonging to a particular genre. Through repeated recurrence, these patterns may become regularities of behaviour in certain communicative situations, which we shall call ‘conven- tions’ in the sense defined by Lewis (1969: 42, see below). 11.3.1 Definition of ‘convention’ Language can function as a means of human communication only because it is a “social fact” (Saussure 1967: 17: fait social) which does not allow for a completely arbitrary use of signs. Within a language community, language use requires a sufficient degree of agreement and a large number of conventions. Lewis (1969: 42) defines convention as follows: A regularity R in the behavior of members of a population P when they are agents in a recurrent situation S is a convention if and only if in [nearly] any instance of S among members of P (1) [nearly] everyone conforms to R, (2) [nearly] everyone expects [nearly] everyone else to conform to R, (3) [nearly] everyone prefers to conform to R on condi- tion that the others do, since S is a coordination problem and uniform conformity to R is a proper coordination equilibrium in S. 77 77 The addition of nearly in square brackets corresponds to the 1975 German translation of the book quoted by Reiß and Vermeer. The original text by David K. Lewis (1969), which is reproduced here, does not include this relativization. ((Translator’s note) Katharina Reiß and Hans J. Vermeer 165 Despite the criticisms levelled at it by Wunderlich (1972a) and Schnelle (1973), this definition is adequate for our purposes. Applied to verbal behaviour, the term ‘convention’ means: (1) conventions are not immutable; they may change with the culture in which they are valid; (2) conventions affect only part of verbal communication; they do not exclude individual language use but facilitate ( 11.4.1.) and guide ( 11.4.3.) communication in spite of individual language use; (3) conventions are tacit, unwritten rules (Lewis 1969: 100) which, seen in our context, become manifest as shared features in text specimens (as manifestations of genres; cf. Gülich and Raible 1975: 144); (4) conventions are less rigid than “the rules of grammar and, to a lesser ex- tent, binding; they leave considerable room for variation of expression” (Pörksen 1974: 220); due to the fact that they are more flexible than norms, they may also reflect changed attitudes in a culture towards the communicative event or object in question. For example: it seems that we are, at present, experiencing a change in the German conventions of the genre ‘scholarly paper in the hu- manities’ (cf. Kußmaul 1978). Under the influence of Anglo-Saxon conventions for this genre, the first person singular (‘I’) has increas- ingly replaced the traditional impersonal and passive constructions and the first person plural (‘we’), which, in German, must be classified as a pluralis modestiae and not, as Kußmaul (1978: 55) assumes, as a construction “suggesting a dialogue between author and reader”. A change of conventions can also be observed in the genre ‘obitu- ary’ in German (Reiß [1977]78). A few decades ago, references to dying and death were more strictly taboo than they are now, when euphemisms like departed, called home, passed away, resting in peace have increasingly been replaced by the simple verb to die, which is not at all intended to express an unemotional attitude of the survivors towards the deceased. Download 1.78 Mb. Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: |
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