Polysemy and metaphor in perception verbs: a cross-linguistic study
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PhD-Thesis-99
3.6. CONCLUSIONS
In this chapter, I have presented a brief overview of the etymology of perception verbs in English, Basque and Spanish. The purpose of this chapter has not been to discuss in detail either how or why the meanings in these perception verbs have evolved in the way they have, or what their etymological origin is – this falls beyond the scope of this thesis, whose aim is to analyse the polysemy of the semantic field of perception verbs from a synchronic perspective. 96 In Latin, sapere also meant ‘to smell of’. This meaning does not seem to occur in Spanish. B. Iraide Ibarretxe-Antuñano Polysemy and metaphor in perception verbs 105 However, a study of synchronic polysemy would be incomplete if it lacks any reference to the diachronic development of the semantic field under analysis. Words do not change, loss, or add meanings suddenly or whimsically; words are polysemous as a reflection of diachronic semantic changes. I have included a chapter on the etymology of perception verbs in this thesis for several reasons. On the one hand, to put together in one place all the information on the etymological development of the perception verbs discussed in this thesis. Other chapters in the thesis will make reference to this chapter for the relevant etymological information. On the other hand, these etymological data have been aimed at supporting some of the main claims put forward in this thesis, as well as at providing a starting point for future research on the issue of semantic change (see Chapter 4). One must not forget that the same questions of how and why polysemy takes place can be applied to semantic change. And it is a commonly agreed possibility among cognitive linguists to suppose that the same mechanisms that explain synchronic polysemy can be used to explain semantic change (see Sweetser 1990, Geeraerts 1997). Etymology is important because it gives us the necessary background information about the development of a particular word in a particular language. For instance, the case of susmatu ‘to suspect’ in Basque. Without any previous etymological knowledge, it would be impossible to ascertain that this word is related to the sense of smell. We would have to simply accept that this word in contemporary Basque means ‘to suspect’. However, the etymology of this word shows that it is related to smell (see Section 3.4) and that at some point in history, the meaning of this word shifted from physical smell to abstract suspicion. As we know from the analysis of the conceptual mappings in the sense of smell in Chapter 2, the connection between physical smell and abstract suspicion is also present in the polysemous verb usaindu ‘to smell’. Therefore, it seems that this link between these two different conceptual domains is quite common and strong. Etymological data provided us with further information to support such a claim. Etymological data is also very useful when analysing cross-linguistic polysemy, i.e. the meaning extensions that take place in one semantic field in different languages. 97 Presently, gustar with the meaning of ‘to enjoy’, ‘to like’ usually refers to other experiences but not food or drink. When you take pleasure in what you are eating and drinking, the verb degustar (< B. Iraide Ibarretxe-Antuñano Polysemy and metaphor in perception verbs 106 One of the theoretical hypotheses in this thesis is that most semantic extensions of perception verbs are cross-linguistic because these links between different conceptual domains of experience are motivated by our understanding and knowledge of the world, which is shared by all humans with the same cultural background. A way to support the cross-linguistic character of these mappings is to look at languages from different families. Take, for example, the link between vision and knowledge. As was shown in Chapter 2, this mapping not only occurs in English and Spanish, two IE languages whose sight verbs derive from the same IE roots, but also in Basque, a non-IE language whose vision verb ikusi does not seem to come from any IE root. In these last two chapters I have described the semantic field of sense perception verbs. The description of the semantic extensions in these verbs, as well as their etymological origins, are the ‘raw’ material that will provide the data necessary to illustrate and support the theoretical claims on polysemy in the following chapters. Lat de-gustâre ‘to enjoy by the experience of taste’) is the correct verb to use. B. Iraide Ibarretxe-Antuñano Polysemy and metaphor in perception verbs 107 Download 1.39 Mb. Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: |
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